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Showing every spoken contribution, including 12,832 under 12 words. Hide short remarks
It is an established fact that observers reported widespread concerns about family voting at the by-election that returned the hon. Member for Gorton and Denton (Hannah Spencer) to the House. It is up to every Member, and to the public, to decide what to do with that information. The hon. Lady is within her rights to dismiss it, but I do not.
9. What steps he is taking with Cabinet colleagues to strengthen Wales’s place in the Union.
Strong transport links between the nations of our United Kingdom are vital to strengthening the Union. However, since Loganair withdrew its regular Cardiff to Edinburgh service earlier this year, there is now no direct air link between the Welsh and Scottish capitals. Does the Secretary of State agree that this is a backwards step for connectivity in the UK, and will he work with the Transport Secretary, the Welsh and Scottish Governments and Loganair to see if that route can be reinstated?
Q11. Frankly, the Prime Minister did not answer any of the questions the Leader of the Opposition put to him on spending. Over the summer, the markets were clearly anxious when he failed to articulate the fiscal rules to Victoria Derbyshire. In his statement yesterday, he waxed lyrical about a decade when we had a three-day week and blackouts—presumably because he liked the music. But we now know what the international capital markets have made of that. Can he now, in front of this House, confirm what the fiscal rules are and categorically say that the Government will stick to them?
I was going to say it is a great pleasure to be on this Committee, but it is an even greater pleasure after that wonderful remark. I am very grateful, and it is a great pleasure to see you in the Chair, Ms Vaz. It is also a great pleasure to see the Minister, as usual; I thank her very much indeed for her explanation of the Government’s intentions for the draft regulations before us. As I think I have stressed at every Delegated Legislation Committee under this Department, it is important that these changes strike the right balance—in this instance, between ensuring that employees are able to exercise their right to industrial action in certain circumstances and in accordance with the law, and the interests of businesses and employers upon whom our future prosperity depends. To that end, I have a few questions about the measures. At the end of part one of the explanatory memorandum it states that guidance covering these regulations will be updated next month, in October. Does that mean that employers will be left in the dark about the specifics of their new, added responsibilities until the date that these regulations come into effect? More broadly, that seems to be a recurring theme of statutory instruments laid by this Department. I suggest that the hon. Lady and her colleagues try to put themselves in the position of a business, particularly a small business. Whether or not one agrees with the Government’s regulatory changes, businesses deserve fair and reasonable time to plan before regulations come into effect. That is good for everybody. I am afraid that, consistently, guidance and regulation come at the same time, which gives no time for due planning so that businesses can get ready. Will the Minister commit today to publishing guidance ahead of regulation coming in, so that employers have advance sight, notice and guidance? That would be appreciated by all companies, big and small, in all our constituencies. Secondly, following the Government consultation on these regulations earlier in the year, some respondents suggested that reducing the perceived risks to participation in industrial action could lead to more frequent and prolonged disputes with trade unions. I appreciate that the Government may not be concerned with trade union-created disputes becoming more frequent, but the public and businesses certainly are. Will the Minister clarify the Government’s response to those specific concerns in the public consultation? They were not addressed in the formal Government response, and it would be good to hear the official response. Thirdly, the law firm Dentons has made clear that employment tribunals will determine on the facts of each case whether a worker has suffered a detriment. But we know that the Government are already facing an unprecedented and growing backlog in the employment tribunals system. In the most recent statistics, which are from March 2026, there were 64,000 single claim open cases awaiting resolution. That is a 55% increase compared with the same period in 2024-25, and a 42% increase in the last year alone. We know that the Justice Committee felt required to launch an inquiry into the issue, and the Law Society has described the situation as “urgent”, stating: “It is alarming to see employment tribunal backlogs continuing to spiral”. What conversations has the Minister had with her colleagues in the Ministry of Justice on the impact of the Government’s employment policies in creating this additional backlog? Has an impact assessment been carried out by either her Department or the MOJ to determine how these specific regulations might further exacerbate what is quite a worrying backlog? Fourthly, during the passage of the Employment Rights Act through both Houses, the Opposition repeatedly tabled amendments that sought to put beyond doubt that protection from detriment for employees who engage in behaviour such as intimidation on picket lines, protest on company premises or at the personal residence of managers, or the harassment of non-striking workers is withheld. The Government chose at that time—many times, actually—to reject those amendments, suggesting that such behaviours would already not entitle protection. For the record, can the Minister state categorically that, if workers engage in those kinds of behaviours, which I think we would all disagree with, these regulations will not leave employers unable to take action against those serious perpetrators? Finally, paragraph 6.6 of the explanatory memorandum refers to the deduction of pay by an employer from a worker who takes industrial action. That is allowed under common law and unchanged by the regulations, but the paragraph also explains that “the question of precisely how much pay may lawfully be deducted” can be “complex”, and that the Government’s view is that the common law is not sufficiently developed in this area. That matters when we are debating these regulations, because employers deemed to have made an excessive pay deduction could be liable to have a complaint brought against them under section 236A of the 1992 Act. It seems, therefore, that the Government admit that this is a potential or actual grey area, but that they will not provide the clarity that we have sought, not least before these regulations come into effect. That could lead to serious consequences for employers. I realise that there are a few questions there, but I would be very grateful if the Minister could provide more clarity on them. If she cannot provide the answers today, I would be grateful if she could write to me with them. My final remark, if I may, Ms Vaz, is that we last met in a delegated legislation Committee on 8 July and—it happens from time to time—the Minister was not able to answer all my questions in that Committee. I wrote to her on 9 July. She is a very diligent person, and I know she will be horrified to learn that she has not yet responded to me, 55 days later. I gently request that she ask her officials to send that response as soon as possible.
It is a pleasure to see you in the Chair, Mrs Barker. Thank you very much for keeping us all in order. Let me first congratulate the hon. Member for Camborne and Redruth (Perran Moon) on securing the debate. I am pleased that he clarified that it is not a debate on Tinder. To clarify, I did know that it was a debate about tin and not Tinder, but it is clear that he is a perfect match for this subject, because—I did not know this, actually—he is known as the Tin Man. Unlike in “The Wizard of Oz”, though, he does not need to search for a heart, because it is clear that he cares deeply about this subject and is a great advocate for tin and for his constituents. I very much enjoyed, and was partly educated by, his excellent speech. He will recognise elements of his speech in my own, because of the excellent points he made. Unlike lithium, tin is rarely treated to big headlines and gigafactory photo opportunities. However, as we have been hearing, it quietly plays an indispensable role in our economy. Half the tin we consume goes to electrical solder, supporting our entire electronics industry, as the hon. Gentleman pointed out so eloquently. Demand is only increasing as solar panels, electric vehicles and AI data centres compete for the same limited global supply, and it is no surprise that prices have soared to nearly $50,000 per tonne as a result. The hon. Member for Camborne and Redruth was right to highlight the new investment in the South Crofty mine as of May 2026, which will open it up for the first time in decades. That is excellent news for the country and, obviously, for his constituency. It would be remiss of me not to point out that the National Wealth Fund has existed for quite some time. It was created by my right hon. Friend the Member for Richmond and Northallerton (Rishi Sunak) as the UK Infrastructure Bank, and although it has been renamed under the new Labour Government, the organisation’s construct and purpose remain. I am very grateful for that, as I am sure the people of Cornwall are, because, as the hon. Member for Camborne and Redruth will be aware, back in 2023 the UK Infrastructure Bank invested in Cornish lithium. This subject is not alien to the Conservative party, and we care deeply about it. The hon. Gentleman did not mention this, but he and the Minister will be aware that the last Conservative Government created the first critical minerals strategy, which recognised tin as one of 18 essential minerals. It is vital that we have a critical minerals strategy, and we welcome the investment that has been made, but we must ensure that we do not just celebrate one investment rather than talking about the overall issues and strategy. I look at the current Government’s critical minerals strategy, and I am afraid I take issue with the fact that it does not mention China even once, despite China’s near monopoly on the processing of critical minerals, as was highlighted by the Liberal Democrat spokesman, the hon. Member for Maidenhead (Mr Reynolds). That is not just an omission in the Government’s strategy; it is a hole in the middle of the plan roughly the size of the South Crofty mineshaft. It will be no surprise to the Minister that I have a few questions for him. First, smelting tin is extremely energy intensive, and we know that the UK’s industrial energy prices are around 50% higher than those of our friends in France and Germany. How are the Government squaring their clear critical minerals ambitions with those very clearly rising energy costs? Secondly, I recognise that he is not a Foreign Office Minister—as tempting as it is, I will not ask him to solve international conflicts from the Dispatch Box today —but global tin supply has decreased due to unrest in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the restrictions in Myanmar’s Wa state, as was pointed out by the hon. Member for Camborne and Redruth. Will the Minister tell us what conversations he has had directly with his Foreign Office counterparts about the security of the supply routes for tin? Lastly, how do the Government reconcile such enthusiasm for critical minerals, which the Minister will clearly demonstrate in a minute, with the national insurance rise and the Employment Rights Act 2025? Those measures will cost this very industry some £50 million exactly at the moment when foreign investors are voting with their feet and, unfortunately, taking money outside our country. South Crofty will not produce its first tonne of tin until 2028 at the earliest. Between now and then, we must back British businesses in the critical minerals sector, and we must oppose the economic pressures that the Government are unrelentingly piling on the industry. I hope that the Minister can provide some of the answers to my questions, because right now, frankly, his strategy has all the substance of fool’s tin.
I rise to speak to amendments 49 to 55 and amendments 56 to 62 to clause 1, which are in my name, and in support of amendments 6 to 12 to clause 1 in the name of my hon. Friend the Member for Mid Leicestershire (Mr Bedford). Through the Bill, the Government have taken inconsistency to a new level. In their desire to give votes to 16-year-olds, they are bringing more confusion to the legal age of adulthood. In one breath they are giving votes to 16-year-olds, yet at the same time in another piece of legislation they are saying that 16-year-olds are not mature enough to use social media and there will be curfews for those under the age of 16.
The hon. Member clearly gave support; I had various caveats. As things have changed recently, children cannot get married now at 16, yet at the same time we do not think those under the age of 18 should be on social media. That is a new addition. We are changing the age of adulthood. Labour Members do not even think the brain is mature enough to be considered for criminal actions until the age of 25.
Yes, that is right. Things are changing continually. The Bill goes against the age of adulthood, with lawmakers raising the minimum age for many different things. As a country we collectively agree that the age of 18 is adulthood, and with that come rights and responsibilities, and things we can and cannot do. Once we reach the age of 18, an individual can stand for election to this House, make decisions about their own medical treatment, enter into binding financial agreements, and buy cigarettes and vapes. They can even get a tattoo. Perhaps the greatest right of all is the right to vote and the responsibilities that come with that, yet under the Bill 1.7 million 16 to 17-year-olds will be granted the right to vote. We could all see that the proposal was about fixing the right to vote. It was about ballot fixing. It was in the hope that the Labour party could win the next general election if it got this generation of young people to vote for it. Now that it has seen the latest polling and that young voters are turning Green, the Government might do what they do on a regular basis: screeching U-turns. That might be done not through common sense but self-interest. They might do another screeching U-turn here.
We are talking about two completely different things. We are talking about the age of adulthood, the age at which we think people have the ability to weigh up everything that is going on and come to a decision. The House is saying that those young people cannot go on social media, should not be on certain types of iPhone and should not be able to do other things, yet at the same time they are mature enough to vote—inconsistency. I am saying that we need to be consistent: a bit of common sense and consistency would go a long way in this House.
I agree there are inconsistencies and we are trying to get them right. Unlike those on the Labour Benches, under whom unemployment always goes up every time they are in office, we want young people to get work experience and go to work. We have, for a long period of time, allowed driving at 17. But my goodness, those on the Labour Benches, for more inconsistency, would want it to go up! I am dealing with the matter at hand, which is voting for 18-year-olds. I am saying that for those on the Labour Benches it was more about vote rigging than whether 16-year-olds should be able to vote.
I will carry on for a second. We are not saying that 16-year-olds would be sent off to combat, nor would we be saying that the inconsistencies about the age of marriage carry on. In England and Wales, the legal age for marriage and civil partnerships is 18. Arranging a marriage for anyone under 18 is illegal. The Marriage and Civil Partnership (Minimum Age) Act 2022, passed by Parliament only four years ago, revoked the previous legal provision that allowed 16 and 17-year-olds to marry with parental consent. The legislation made it clear that marriage is an adult decision and that the law treats anyone under 18 as a child. The 2022 Act passed with cross-party support and the Labour Front Bench at the time supported it. Why did they believe then that people under 18 could not make the decision to marry, but now believe that they can make the decision to vote? The same applies to property ownership and mortgages. My amendments 56 to 62 would link the age at which people are eligible to vote with the age at which they can obtain a mortgage or own a property. Our laws dictate that those under 18 lack full legal capacity, and therefore cannot enter into binding land or loan contracts. If 16-year-olds are not legally able to own a property or enter into a mortgage in their own right, why are they considered sufficiently mature to vote in elections? If 16-year-olds are not sensible enough to buy alcohol—and that has been law in our country since 1923—why are they trusted to vote? I am pleased to support amendments 6 to 12, tabled by my hon. Friend the Member for Mid Leicestershire, which would tie the age at which people can buy alcohol to the age at which they are eligible to vote. The question is simple: why have the Government decided that in respect of voting the age of 16 is adulthood, while in many other areas it does not meet the threshold? We are told that votes at 16 are essential to engaging young people in our democracy and will empower them to participate in society and effect change, but which young people have the Government spoken to? I have spoken to many on my patch and have visited many local schools, and have found it interesting that many of them do not feel qualified and prepared enough to vote. We should bear in mind the impact of the lowering of the voting age in Scotland, where academic studies have shown that the boost in interest among young people has been short-lived and has failed to translate into wider political participation.
If those in Scotland want to carry on with this vote rigging, they are fully entitled to do so, and I am sure that they will conjure up many other ways in which to do it. This Government can wax lyrical as much as they like about the virtues of lowering the voting age, but we know how important it is for people to fully understand and appreciate what they are doing. It is the inconsistency that strikes me: 16-year-olds cannot buy alcohol, cannot have a tattoo, cannot be on the frontline and cannot get married, yet we are pushing for them to have a vote. It does not make sense at all. I therefore urge all Members to support my amendments and those in the name of my hon. Friend the Member for Mid Leicestershire, and to put aside their self-interest in relation to extra votes.
Will the First Secretary of State’s exercise in delivering democracy and local accountability and empowering local people include a look at large organisations that cannot be described as governmental or as quangos but that nevertheless exist firmly within the public domain, are established by statute, serve the public and are big employers, and in which the public have a direct interest, such as the National Trust? That is ripe for review—it is meant to be reviewed periodically—and it would certainly fall within the scope of the work she has been talking about.
1. What steps he is taking with Cabinet colleagues to strengthen Wales’s place in the Union.
New figures from August show that being part of our strong United Kingdom is worth an extra £2,720 to every person in Scotland, compared with the UK average. Does the Secretary of State agree that this demonstrates the economic benefits of our Union, and what assessment has he made of the financial benefits to Wales of being part of the United Kingdom?
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Sir Alec. As the Minister set out in his introduction, there was extensive debate during the Committee on the Bill that has brought this set of regulations to life. There was certainly a lot of cross-party debate about the provision; that reflects the public interest in the impact that development can have on nature and wildlife in particular. Although there was a degree of political disagreement about the policy itself, I think we all shared the objective: having a more functional system. That is clearly the Government’s objective, so we will not seek to divide the Committee this afternoon. However, I have some questions for the Minister. When we debated the issue in Committee, he was clear that in due course this legislation would come forward and there would be an opportunity to look at the points of detail that Members had raised. My first question is about any assessment that he has undertaken of Natural England’s capacity to administer the process. We heard in the Committee evidence sessions from different development organisations that talked about how difficult it sometimes was to get a decision from Natural England because of its lack of capacity when a development had been approved but there remained elements that Natural England needed to sign off. Clearly, this legislation envisages a significant role for Natural England in the planning process—much larger than it currently occupies, and one that it said in evidence to the Committee it would welcome. But making those decisions and the financial underpinning will come at a significant cost, in terms of both people and skills. Will the Minister set out what assessments have been undertaken to ensure that the provision does not lead to further delays through the administration of the levy scheme? The second question relates to a point that we touched on in Committee and is not, as far as I can see, fully addressed in the papers: the treatment of levy payments in kind. We heard examples of when developers had said that, rather than make a cash contribution, they would seek to offer another site where they would create an appropriate wetland habitat, habitat for birds or whatever, which would have a value attached to it. In the normal course of events, the Government already negotiate to determine whether a financial contribution can be made in the form of an asset that has a value, rather than in cash. It is not immediately clear how that type of situation would be handled, especially given that Natural England will be separate from the planning authority making the decision on the scheme. It would be helpful if the Minister told us how the Government envisage dealing with that. Finally, in Committee a point was raised that I do not think the papers entirely address: how the policy will operate where we are talking about cumulative impacts. It is straightforward for a developer that has needed to raze a woodland to demonstrate that it is financing an alternative site, to be managed by Natural England, that will recreate that habitat elsewhere. But what about developers with numerous smaller sites? How will their accumulated contribution be used to ensure that there is appropriate remediation? When those sites are in different planning authorities, how can there be an appropriate negotiation so that things are not held up because one planning authority is trying to determine the impact and another has a separate application, but the contributions from both are key to ensure that the remediation is sufficient?
The Minister has helpfully set out how we expect the EDP process to work in practice. When he was talking about how it would be financed, he described what could be extensive and lengthy public consultation, requiring expert input in designing habitats and so forth. Clearly, that will come at a significant cost. Will the cost to Natural England of administering the scheme be paid for out of the levy income itself or is there a separate funding mechanism that will enable Natural England to carry out that work?
I want to test the Minister’s thinking on that point. As constituency MPs, many of us have heard about section 106, where a significant number of contributions may be attached to school places, road improvements or whatever it may be. When the money is not spent within a specified period of time, the developer can reclaim it so that it cannot be redirected to other purposes, depending on what is in the agreement. Another challenge is what happens when developers in a new town, for example, prefer to pay the levy, but the total of all the payments exceeds the value of the work that Natural England is undertaking because of the extent of the development, so something else needs to be substituted. Will the Minister set out briefly how the Government propose to address such issues so that the legislation does not, in practice, turn out to be a bit of a bureaucratic nightmare for many of the communities involved?
I congratulate the First Secretary of State on her appointment. Will she confirm to me and to the House that the intergovernmental relations responsibilities in her Department will be given the weight they require? Indeed, part of that is about making the case for the continuance of the United Kingdom. We have three First Ministers across the United Kingdom whose position is that they want to break up the United Kingdom. The Scottish Government have already brought forward a time-wasting and unnecessary Bill to hold another divisive independence referendum. It is vital that the Government play their part in pushing back against independence in Scotland and elsewhere, and making the case for the United Kingdom.
With this it will be convenient to discuss the following: Government new clause 76—Entering into of regulated transactions under Part 4A of PPERA 2000. Government new clause 77—Procedure for regulations under PPERA 2000. Government new clause 78—Sharing of information between Electoral Commission and others. Government new clause 113—Termination of entitlement to be registered as overseas elector. Government new clause 114—Powers to prescribe form and contents of campaign expenditure returns etc. Government new clause 115—Meaning of “donation”. Government new clause 116—Cap on donations etc by overseas contributors. Government new clause 117—Power to extend certain restrictions to other types of donation and loan etc. New clause 2—Commencement of Section 106 of the Equality Act 2010— “The Secretary of State must, within three months of the day on which this Act is passed, lay an order under section 216 (commencement) of the Equality Act 2010 to commence section 106 (information about diversity in range of candidates, etc.) of that Act.” This new clause would require the Secretary of State to commence section 106 of the Equality Act 2010 within three months, which would require political parties to publish information on the protected characteristics of candidates in parliamentary elections, elections to the Scottish Parliament and to the Senedd. New clause 3—Electoral Commission: Publication of information about diversity in range of candidates— “(1) PPERA 2000 is amended as follows. (2) After section 13A (reimbursement of costs by Scottish Ministers etc.) insert— ‘13ZAA Collection and publication of information about diversity in range of candidates (1) The Commission shall collect information published under section 106 (information about diversity in range of candidates, etc.) of the Equality Act 2010. (2) The Commission shall publish the information collected under subsection (1) in an accessible form at such intervals as the Commissioners consider appropriate.’” This new clause would require the Electoral Commission to collect and publish in an accessible form diversity information required to be provided by political parties under section 106 of the Equality Act 2010. New clause 4—Report on proposals to support the extension of the franchise to 16- and 17- year-olds— “(1) The Secretary of State must, within 12 months of the passing of this Act, publish a report on proposals to support the extension of the franchise to 16- and 17- year-olds under this Act. (2) The report published under subsection (1) must include consideration of proposals to— (a) promote awareness among relevant persons of the extension of the franchise; and (b) make any necessary changes required to strengthen civic education in schools and educational settings available to relevant persons. (3) For the purposes of this section, relevant persons are children and young people who— (a) are enfranchised as a result of section (1) of this Act; or (b) are entitled to be registered as a parliamentary or local government elector before reaching voting age as a result of section (3) of this Act. (4) The Secretary of State must lay the report before both Houses of Parliament.” This new clause requires the Government to report on proposals to support the extension of the franchise to 16 and 17 year olds, through promoting awareness or making changes required to strengthen civic education. New clause 5—Electoral Commission: pre-investigation decision notices— “(1) PPERA 2000 is amended as set out in subsection (2). (2) In Schedule 19B, paragraph 3, sub-paragraph (5), at end insert ‘or; (b) relevant to determining whether to start an investigation.’” This new clause would enable the Electoral Commission to require information before launching a formal investigation. New clause 6—Hostility towards relatives and staff of candidates etc.— “(1) Part 5 of the Elections Act 2022 (disqualification of offenders for holding elective office etc.) is amended as follows. (2) After section 32 (candidates etc.) insert— ‘32A Relatives and staff of candidates (1) A person falls within this section if the person is— (a) a relative; or (b) a member of staff; of a person described in section 32 (candidates etc.). (2) For the purposes of subsection (1)(a) “relative” has the meaning given by section 63(1) of the Family Law Act 1996. (3) For the purposes of subsection (1)(b) “member of staff” means a person who is employed by or working under the direction of a person described in section 32 (candidates etc.).’” This new clause would, with Amendment 1, add relatives and staff of candidates to the persons against which hostility may lead to a disqualification order and for the purposes of a statutory aggravating factor. New clause 7—Duty of Electoral Commission to provide candidate safety guidance— “(1) The Electoral Commission must, within 6 months of the passing of this Act, prepare and publish guidance on the safety and security of candidates and campaigners during election periods. (2) The guidance must include information about— (a) identifying, recording and reporting threats, abuse and intimidation; (b) physical and online security measures; and (c) the roles of the police, the Electoral Commission and any other relevant public authority in relation to candidate safety during an election period. (3) The Electoral Commission must keep the guidance under review and revise it whenever it considers appropriate. (4) A returning officer must provide each validly nominated candidate with a copy of, or an electronic link to, the guidance as soon as reasonably practicable after the candidate’s nomination is accepted. (5) For the purposes of this section, ‘election periods’ means the period specified in section 90ZA (meaning of ‘election expense’ of the RPA 1983).” This new clause places a duty on the Electoral Commission to publish and maintain candidate safety guidance, and requires returning officers to provide it to candidates as soon as possible after their nomination has been accepted. New clause 9—Permissible donors not to include individuals serving a foreign administration— “(1) Section 54 of PPERA 2000 (permissible donors) is amended as follows. (2) After subsection (2) insert— ‘(2A) An individual who would otherwise fall within subsection (2)(a) is not a permissible donor if that individual is, or has been— (a) a member of, or (b) a politically-appointed adviser to a foreign administration.’ (3) After subsection (8) insert— ‘(9) In subsection (2A)— “foreign administration” means the government or state apparatus of any country or territory outside the United Kingdom; “member” includes elected and appointed members.’” This new clause would ban those who are or have been members of a foreign administration, or advisers to a foreign administration, from donating money to a political party, think tank or campaigning body. New clause 10—Permissible donors not to include persons who have promoted political violence— “(1) Section 54 of PPERA 2000 (permissible donors) is amended as follows. (2) After subsection (3ZB) insert— ‘(3ZC) A person is not to be treated as a permissible donor in relation to a donation if the person has been convicted of a prescribed offence relating to the promotion, incitement, or use of political violence. (3ZD) The Secretary of State must by regulations prescribe the offences which fall within subsection (3ZC).’” New clause 11—Declaration of income or gifts from Foreign Governments— “(1) Schedule 1 to RPA 1983 (parliamentary elections rules) is amended as follows. (2) After rule 8 (consent to nomination) insert— ‘Declaration of income or gifts from Foreign Governments 8A (1) A person is not validly nominated unless the person makes a declaration stating whether they have received in the past or are currently in receipt of any income or gifts from— (a) the government of any foreign nation, or (b) any person or organisation connected to the government of any foreign nation. (2) The declaration must be— (a) in the prescribed form, (b) signed by the person, and (c) delivered at the place and within the time for the delivery of nomination papers. (3) For the purposes of this rule, a person or organisation connected to the government of any foreign nation means anyone who has at any time been— (a) a member of, or (b) a politically-appointed adviser to a foreign administration.’ (3) In rule 6A (nomination papers: name of registered political party), at the end insert— ‘(4) A registered political party is under a duty to ensure that a candidate has made the declaration required by rule 8A, and a certificate under paragraph (1) or (1B) may not be issued by or on behalf of the registered nominating officer of the party in respect of a candidate unless this duty has been discharged.’” This new clause would require candidates to declare any income or gifts from foreign nations or connected entities in order to be validly nominated. It also places a duty on political parties to ensure their candidates have made this declaration before authorising them to stand on behalf of the party. New clause 12—Annual statements on foreign donation risks and independent investigations— “(1) Part 4 of PPERA 2000 (control of donations to registered parties and their members etc) is amended as follows. (2) After section 66 (declaration by treasurer in donation report) insert— ‘66A Annual statement on mitigation of foreign donation risks (1) The treasurer of a registered party must, in respect of each calendar year, prepare a statement setting out the steps taken by the party to mitigate risks relating to donations originating from a foreign nation. (2) The statement must be delivered to the Commission alongside the party's statement of accounts for that year. 66B Annual independent investigation of donations by foreign-owned UK entities (1) A registered party must, in respect of each calendar year, arrange for an independent investigation to be conducted into any donations received by the party from a foreign-owned UK entity. (2) A report of the independent investigation must be submitted to the Commission by the treasurer of the party within six months of the end of the calendar year to which it relates. (3) The Secretary of State may by regulations make provision about— (a) the appointment and qualifications of an independent investigator for the purposes of this section; (b) the definition of a “foreign-owned UK entity”; and (c) the required contents of the investigation report. (4) Regulations under subsection (3) are subject to the affirmative resolution procedure.’” This new clause requires registered political parties to produce an annual statement detailing how they have mitigated risks relating to donations from foreign nations. It also requires parties to commission an annual independent investigation into donations they receive from foreign-owned UK entities, with the findings submitted to the Electoral Commission. New clause 13—Information to be included with electronic material: generative artificial intelligence— “(1) Section 41 of the Elections Act 2022 (requirement to include information with electronic material) is amended as follows. (2) After subsection (3)(b) insert— “(c) where the electronic material consists of or includes image, audio or video content that has been generated or materially altered by means of generative artificial intelligence, a statement that such artificial intelligence has been used.” (2A) In this section, ‘generative artificial intelligence’ means a machine-based system that can, for a given set of human-defined prompts or objectives, generate new image, audio or video content.” This new clause amends the digital imprint rules in the Elections Act 2022 to require that any political campaigning material which contains images, audio, or video generated or materially altered by AI must include a statement that such artificial intelligence has been used. New clause 14—Repeal of voter identification requirements— “(1) In the Elections Act 2022 omit section 1 (voter identification). (2) In the Elections Act 2022 omit Schedule 1. (3) Schedule 1 to RPA 1983 (parliamentary elections rules) is amended as follows. (4) In rule 37 (voting procedure), omit paragraphs (1A) to (1G).” This new clause repeals the provisions of the Elections Act 2022 that introduced the requirement for voters in Great Britain to produce photographic identification at polling stations. It is linked to Amendment 2. New clause 15—Disclosure of past donations in cryptoassets— “(1) Part 4 of PPERA 2000 (control of donations to registered parties and their members etc) is amended as follows. (2) After section 66 (declaration by treasurer in donation report) insert— ‘66A Report on past donations involving cryptoassets (1) The treasurer of a registered party must, within the period of six months beginning with the day on which this section comes into force, prepare a report under this section. (2) The report must record the relevant details in relation to each donation received by the party during the relevant 5-year period which was— (a) made wholly or in part with cryptoassets; or (b) accepted by means of a custodian wallet provider or cryptoasset exchange provider. (3) For the purposes of this section, the “relevant 5-year period” means the period of 5 years ending with the day on which this section comes into force. (4) In this section, “the relevant details” in relation to a donation means— (a) the name and address of the donor; (b) the amount or value of the donation; (c) the date on which the donation was received; and (d) the date on which, and the way in which, any necessary steps were taken regarding the donation under section 56 (acceptance or return of donations: general). (5) The report must be delivered to the Commission within the period of 14 days beginning with the end of the period mentioned in subsection (1). (6) In this section— “Cryptoassets” has the meaning given by Regulation 14A(3)(a) of the Money Laundering, Terrorist Financing and Transfer of Funds (Information on the Payer) Regulations 2017; “Custodian wallet provider” has the meaning given by Section 131ZC(3) of the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002; “Cryptoasset exchange provider” has the meaning given by Section 131ZC(3) of the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002.’” This new clause amends PPERA 2000 to require registered political parties to compile and submit a one-off report to the Electoral Commission detailing the source, value, and dates of any donations made via cryptoassets, or accepted via crypto wallets/exchanges, over the past five years. New clause 16—Impact of the Act on trust in elections— “(1) The Secretary of State must, within 12 months of the passing of this Act, publish and lay before both Houses of Parliament a report into the impact of the Act's provisions on trust in elections. (2) Any report made under subsection (1) must make proposals on any further measures required to increase trust in elections. (3) For the purposes of this section, "trust in elections" includes public confidence in the fairness of elections, the voting systems used, and the representativeness of election results. (4) In preparing the report, the Secretary of State must consult— (a) the Electoral Commission; (b) Scottish Ministers; (c) Welsh Ministers; (d) the relevant Northern Ireland department; and (e) such other persons as the Secretary of State considers appropriate.” New clause 18—Payments from foreign state broadcasters to politicians and candidates— “(1) Schedule 7 to PPERA 2000 (control of donations to individuals and members associations) is amended as set out in subsection (2). (2) After paragraph 6 insert— ‘Prohibition on payments from foreign state broadcasters (1) A regulated donee must not accept any payment, remuneration or other financial benefit, whether or not on commercial terms, from a prescribed foreign state broadcaster. (2) The Secretary of State may by regulations prescribe a foreign state broadcaster for the purposes of this paragraph where the Secretary of State considers the broadcaster is acting on behalf of, or producing propaganda for, a foreign power. (3) For the purposes of this paragraph, a payment or benefit includes, but is not limited to, remuneration for appearing on, hosting, or contributing to broadcasts or programmes.’ (3) Schedule 1 to RPA 1983 (parliamentary elections rules) is amended as set out in subsection (4). (4) After rule 8 (consent to nomination) insert— ‘Declaration of past earnings from foreign state broadcasters (1) A person is not validly nominated unless the person makes a declaration stating whether they have received any past or current earnings, payments or benefits from a foreign state broadcaster prescribed under paragraph 6A of Schedule 7 to the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000. (2) The declaration must be— (a) in the prescribed form, (b) signed by the person, and (c) delivered at the place and within the time for the delivery of nomination papers.’” This new clause prohibits politicians (regulated donors) from receiving any payment from prescribed foreign state broadcasters. It also amends the parliamentary election rules to require candidates (including incumbent MPs) to formally declare any past earnings from these entities in order to be validly nominated to stand for election. New clause 19—Overseas electors: Review of feasibility of proposals for facilitating overseas ballots— “(1) Within six months of the passing of this Act, the Secretary of State must publish and lay before both Houses of Parliament a report on proposals for facilitating overseas electors to vote in parliamentary elections. (2) The report must consider the feasibility of proposals for— (a) the use of United Kingdom Embassies, High Commissions or consulates as if they were a polling station as set out in Schedule 1 of RPA1983; (b) the digital transmission and printing of ballot papers; (c) voting by telephone; (d) secure electronic voting; (e) changes to deadlines and practices as set out in Schedule 1 of RPA1983 to enable earlier despatch of ballots for overseas voters; (f) informing overseas voters on early registration and voting options; (g) extended proxy voting arrangements for overseas voters; and (h) any other measures to improve the speed, accuracy and security of voting by overseas electors as the Secretary of State believes appropriate. (3) In preparing the report, the Secretary of State must consult— (a) overseas electors; (b) electoral administrators; (c) His Majesty’s Diplomatic Service; and (d) such other persons as the Secretary of State believe appropriate. (4) For the purpose of this section, an ‘overseas elector’ is a person who fulfils the requirements for an overseas elector in section 1 (extension of parliamentary franchise) of the RPA 1985.” This new clause would require the Secretary of State to conduct feasibility studies on proposals to improve overseas voting, as recommended by the Public Administration and Constitutional Affairs Select Committee’s Second Report of Session 2024-6, Review of the 2024 general election. New clause 20—Extension of right to vote etc. to certain foreign nationals— “(1) The RPA 1983 is amended as set out in subsections (2) and (3). (2) In section 1 (parliamentary electors), in subsection (1)(c), after ‘Ireland,’ insert ‘a qualifying EU citizen, or a qualifying foreign national’. (3) In section 2 (local government electors)— (a) in subsection (1)(c) leave out “(in Wales)” (b) in subsection (1)(c)(i), after ‘rights’ insert ‘or a qualifying foreign citizen;’.” This new clause would extend the franchise in parliamentary elections to include qualifying EU citizens and to foreign nationals with a right to enter or remain in the UK, and to extend the local government franchise in England to foreign citizens with a right to enter or remain in the UK. New clause 21—Cap on political donations— “(1) Part 4 of PPERA 2000 (control of donations to registered parties and their members etc) is amended as follows. (2) After section 54B (declaration as to whether residence etc condition satisfied) insert— ‘54C Power to set cap on political donations (1) A registered party must not accept a donation from a person if the value of donations from that person during the course of that calendar year exceeds the maximum amount specified by regulations made under subsection (3). (2) Where a registered party receives a donation which would cause the limit for the purposes of subsection (1) to be exceeded, the amount by which the limit is exceeded is to be treated for the purposes of this Act as a donation received from a person who is not a permissible donor. (3) The Secretary of State must by regulations specify the donation limit for the purposes of subsection (1) within three months of the day on which this Act is passed. (4) A statutory instrument containing regulations under this section may not be made unless a draft of the instrument has been laid before and approved by a resolution of each House of Parliament. (5) Before laying a draft statutory instrument containing regulations under this section, the Secretary of State must commission an independent review of the level of the cap on political donations. (6) The review must consider and make recommendations on the level of the cap in light of— (a) the prevailing economic conditions; (b) the effect of the cap on democratic participation and political competition; and (c) any other matters the Secretary of State considers relevant. (7) The Secretary of State must appoint an independent person or panel with relevant experience to conduct the review. (8) The person or panel appointed under subsection (7) must— (a) consult the Electoral Commission and any other persons the person or panel considers relevant; and (b) prepare and publish a report of its findings. (9) The Secretary of State must lay the report under subsection (8)(b) before both Houses of Parliament as soon as practicable after receiving it. (10) No later than three years after a report under subsection (9) has been laid the Secretary of State must commission a new review under subsection (5) for the purposes of determining whether the cap under subsection (1) should be amended.’” This new clause requires the Secretary of State to set an annual cap on permissible political donations from a person, following an independent review to be conducted every three years. New clause 22—Permissible donors not to include oil and gas companies— “(1) Section 54 of PPERA 2000 (permissible donors) is amended as follows. (2) In subsection (2)(b) after ‘Kingdom’ insert ‘, subject to the exemption in subsection (2A).’ (3) After subsection (2) insert— ‘(2A) A company is not a permissible donor if it is an oil and gas company.’ (4) After subsection (8) insert— ‘(9) For the purposes of this section, “an oil and gas company” means any company which derives over 50% of its annual revenue from the extraction, acquisition, transportation, processing, supply or disposal of petroleum or natural gas, or a combination of the two.’” This new clause provides that an oil and gas company would not be a permissible donor for the purposes of the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000. New clause 23—Prohibition on remuneration for social media activity— “(1) Schedule 7 to PPERA 2000 (control of donations to individuals and members associations) is amended as set out in subsection (2). (2) After paragraph 6 insert— ‘Prohibition on payments for social media activity 6C (1) A regulated donee must not accept any payment, remuneration or other financial benefit, whether or not on commercial terms, from any person or organisation in connection with activity on a social media platform. (2) For the purposes of this section— (a) a payment or benefit includes, but is not limited to, remuneration for publishing, promoting or interacting with content on a social media platform, (b) a social media platform means an electronic medium or service through which users may create, share, or view user-generated content, including, without limitation, videos, photographs, blogs, podcasts, messages, emails, or website profiles or locations.’ (3) Schedule 2A to RPA 1983 (control of donations to candidates) is amended as set out in subsection (4). (4) After paragraph 6 insert— ‘Prohibition on payments for social media activity 6A (1) A candidate or their election agent must not accept any payment, remuneration or other financial benefit, whether or not on commercial terms, from any person or organisation in connection with activity on a social media platform. (2) For the purposes of this section— (a) a payment or benefit includes, but is not limited to, remuneration for publishing, promoting or interacting with content on a social media platform, (b) a social media platform means an electronic medium or service through which users may create, share, or view user-generated content, including, without limitation, videos, photographs, blogs, podcasts, messages, emails, or website profiles or locations.’” This new clause prohibits members of registered parties, members associations, holders of relevant elective offices and electoral candidates from receiving any payment, remuneration, or financial benefit in exchange for posting, promoting, or interacting with content on social media. New clause 24—Declaration of income or gifts from the Russian Federation— “(1) Schedule 1 to RPA 1983 (parliamentary elections rules) is amended as follows. (2) After rule 8 (consent to nomination) insert— ‘Declaration of income or gifts from the Russian Federation 8A (1) A person is not validly nominated unless the person makes a declaration stating whether they have received in the past or are currently in receipt of any income or gifts from— (a) the government of the Russian Federation, or (b) any person or organisation connected to the government of the Russian Federation. (2) The declaration must be— (a) in the prescribed form, (b) signed by the person, and (c) delivered at the place and within the time for the delivery of nomination papers. (3) For the purposes of this rule, a person or organisation connected to the government of the Russian Federation means anyone who has at any time been— (a) a member of, or (b) a politically-appointed adviser to the government of the Russian Federation.” (3) In rule 6A (nomination papers: name of registered political party), at the end insert— “(4) A registered political party is under a duty to ensure that a candidate has made the declaration required by rule 8A, and a certificate under paragraph (1) or (1B) may not be issued by or on behalf of the registered nominating officer of the party in respect of a candidate unless this duty has been discharged.’” This new clause would require candidates to declare past or current income or gifts from the government of the Russian Federation or from any person or organisation connected to that government. It also places a duty on political parties to ensure that their candidates have made this declaration. New clause 25—Permissible donors not to include property development and construction undertakings— “(1) Notwithstanding the provisions of PPERA 2000 and any other enactment, a person is not a permissible donor to a registered party, recognised third party, regulated donee or permitted participant if they meet the conditions in subsections (2). (2) The conditions in this subsection are that the person is a property development or construction undertaking as defined under subsections (3) and (4). (3) For the purposes of subsection (2), a person is a “property development or construction undertaking” if they are a body corporate, partnership, limited liability partnership, or unincorporated association, of such an undertaking which carries out, whether wholly or substantially, activities consisting of— (a) the acquisition, disposal, or development of land for commercial or residential purposes, (b) property speculation, (c) the construction, renovation, or substantial alteration of buildings or infrastructure, or (d) the provision of construction services as a principal contractor, and whose principal business activities fall within such Standard Industrial Classification (SIC) codes as may be prescribed by regulations made by the Secretary of State. (4) Further to subsection (3), a ‘property development or construction undertaking’ includes— (a) any person who is acting on behalf of a property development or construction undertaking, (b) any person who is funded either directly or indirectly by a property development or construction undertaking, and (c) any subsidiaries or holding companies of a property development or construction undertaking. (5) The Electoral Commission may issue guidance for the purposes of determining whether an undertaking is a property development or construction undertaking.” This new clause would mean that a property developer or construction undertaking would not be a permissible donor to a registered party, recognised third party, regulated donee or permitted participant. New clause 26—Restrictions on permitted donors: public contracts— “(1) Section 54 of the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000 (permissible donors) is amended as follows. (2) After subsection (2) insert— ‘(2A) An individual who would otherwise fall within subsection (2)(a) is not a permissible donor if that individual— (a) has significant control of a company which has been awarded a public contract within the previous ten years, or (b) has significant control of a company which is a parent undertaking or subsidiary undertaking of a company falling within paragraph (a). (2B) A company which would otherwise fall within subsection (2)(b) is not a permissible donor if that company— (a) has been awarded a public contract within the previous ten years, or (b) is a parent undertaking or subsidiary undertaking of a company falling within paragraph (a).’ (3) After subsection (8) insert— ‘(9) In this section— “public contract” has the meaning given by section 3 (public contracts) of the Procurement Act 2023; “significant control” has the meaning given by section 790C (key terms) of the Companies Act 2006; “parent undertaking” and “subsidiary undertaking” have the meanings given by section 1162 (parent and subsidiary undertakings) of the Companies Act 2006.’” This amendment would prevent individuals and companies connected to public contracts within the previous ten years from being treated as permissible donors under the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000. New clause 27—Report on interference in UK elections originating from the United States of America— “(1) The Secretary of State must, within 12 months of the passing of this Act, publish a report on the extent of electoral interference originating from the United States of America and its impact on the integrity of elections in the United Kingdom. (2) The report published under subsection (1) must review the extent of the following activities and their impact on voters— (a) United States-based social media companies amplifying electoral campaign material via algorithms; and (b) donations made to registered political parties, think-tanks, lobbying firms and other regulated donees in the United Kingdom originating from— (i) the United States Government, (ii) United States-based companies, and (iii) business leaders with United States citizenship. (3) The report must also set out information about the nature of any campaigns receiving donations from those set out in subsection (2), including— (a) the stated aims attached to any donations made; and (b) any agreements between donees and organisations in receipt of such donations. (4) The report published under subsection (1) must include any recommendations considered necessary to protect the integrity of United Kingdom elections. (5) For the purposes of this section, ‘the integrity of United Kingdom elections’ means the extent to which elections are considered to be free and fair, and have public confidence in their outcomes.” This new clause requires the Government to publish a report on electoral interference originating from the USA and its impact on the integrity of elections in the United Kingdom, focusing on the extent of algorithmic amplification of campaign material by US-based social media companies and of donations from US-based companies and business leaders. New clause 28—Prohibition of controlled expenditure and expenses by non-permissible donors— “(1) PPERA 2000 is amended as set out in subsections (2) to (4). (2) In Section 89A (restriction on which third parties may incur controlled expenditure) leave out subsection (2). (3) In Section 89B (restriction on which third parties may incur controlled expenditure: Senedd Cymru elections) leave out subsection (2). (4) In Section 89B (restriction on which third parties may incur controlled expenditure: Scottish Parliament elections) leave out subsection (2). (5) In Section 75 of RPA 1983 (prohibition of expenses not authorised by election agent) leave out— (a) subsection 1ZZB(a); (b) subsection 1ZA. (6) In Section 41 of the Elections Act 2022 (requirement to include information with electronic material) after subsection (3)(b) insert— ‘(c) a statement declaring the original source of the funding used to pay for the promotion or publication of the material.’” This new clause prevents controlled expenditure and expenses by non-permissible donors, including foreign-funded advertising, by reducing the existing £700 spending limit for such donors to nil. It also requires that campaign material includes a statement declaring the origin of its funding. New clause 29—Prohibition of political advertising by non-permissible donors— “(1) A person or organisation that is not a permissible donor must not incur any expenditure on political advertising, whether or not related to a relevant election. (2) For the purposes of this section— ‘political advertising’ means any materials or activities with a view to promoting a political party, candidate or campaign; ‘relevant election’ has the same meaning as in Part II of PPERA. (3) The Secretary of State must, within six months of the passing of this Act, by regulations amend, repeal or revoke any enactment, including this Act and other electoral legislation, where the Secretary of State considers it necessary for the purposes of subsection (1). (4) Before making regulations under this section, the Secretary of State must consult— (a) the Electoral Commission; and (b) such other persons as the Secretary of State considers appropriate. (5) A statutory instrument containing regulations under this section may not be made unless a draft has been laid before and approved by a resolution of each House of Parliament.” This new clause would prevent non-permissible donors from funding political advertising, whether or not related to a relevant election, and provide the Secretary of State with regulation making powers to enable this prohibition to be enforced. New clause 30—Review of how limits on campaign expenditure could apply on annual basis— “(1) The Electoral Commission must conduct a review of how campaign expenditure limits could apply on an annual basis for political parties, candidates and third parties. (2) The review must consider how annual campaign expenditure limits could— (a) promote transparency and fairness in elections; (b) limit the risk of foreign interference in elections; and (c) be implemented in a proportionate manner without undue impact on political parties, candidates and third parties. (3) In conducting the review, the Electoral Commission must consult the Speaker’s Committee on the Electoral Commission and the Ethics and Integrity Commission. (4) The Electoral Commission must publish a report of its findings no later than 6 months after the day on which this Act is passed. (5) The Secretary of State must, within 6 months of the publication of the report, lay before both Houses of Parliament, a response to the report. (6) The response to the report must contain proposals informed by the Electoral Commission’s report.” This new clause would require the Electoral Commission to conduct a review of how campaign expenditure limits could apply on an annual basis for political parties, candidates and third parties, and for the Government to respond to the report and bring forward proposals based on the Electoral Commission’s findings. New clause 32—Parliamentary elections: Requirement to obtain an enhanced disclosure and barring service check— “(1) Schedule 1 of RPA 1983 is amended as follows. (2) After rule 6 (nomination of candidates) insert— ‘(6AA)(1) A person is not validly nominated unless the person has— (a) undertaken an enhanced DBS check; and (b) obtained an enhanced DBS certificate. (2) The Secretary of State may make regulations which make necessary provision for the designation of one or more organisation from which the DBS check under paragraph 1 must be requested. (3) The Secretary of State must lay before Parliament draft regulations under paragraph 2 before the end of the period of 90 days beginning with the day on which the Representation of the People Act 2026 is passed. (4) For the purposes of this rule— “enhanced DBS check” means an enhanced check with the Disclosure and Barring Service for the purposes of Part V of the Police Act 1997; “enhanced DBS certificate” means a certificate issued by the Disclosure and Barring Service following an enhanced DBS check.’” This new clause would require candidates in a parliamentary election to undertake an enhanced DBS check and obtain the resulting certificate before they can be validly nominated as a candidate. New clause 33—Local government elections (England and Wales): Requirement to obtain an enhanced disclosure and barring service check— “(1) The Local Elections (Principal Areas) (England and Wales) Rules 2006 are amended as follows. (2) After rule 4 (nomination of candidates) insert— ‘(4A)(1) A person is not validly nominated unless the person has— (a) undertaken an enhanced DBS check; and (b) obtained an enhanced DBS certificate. (2) The Secretary of State may make regulations which make necessary provision for the designation of an organisation from which the DBS check under paragraph 1 must be requested. (3) The Secretary of State must lay before Parliament draft regulations under paragraph 2 before the end of the period of 90 days beginning with the day on which the Representation of the People Act 2026 is passed. (4) For the purposes of this rule— “enhanced DBS check” means an enhanced check with the Disclosure and Barring Service for the purposes of Part V of the Police Act 1997; “enhanced DBS certificate” means a certificate issued by the Disclosure and Barring Service following an enhanced DBS check.’” This new clause would require candidates in a local government election in England and Wales to undertake an enhanced DBS check and obtain the resulting certificate before they can be validly nominated as a candidate. New clause 34—Prohibition on accepting donations in cryptoassets to political parties and candidates— “(1) PPERA 2000 is amended as set out in subsection (2). (2) In section 55 (payments etc. which are (or are not) to be treated as donations by permissible donors), at end insert— ‘(7) Any donation received by a registered party or regulated donee which is— (a) made wholly or in part with cryptoassets; or (b) made from the proceeds generated by crypto-assets such as digital tokens and memecoins; or (c) accepted by means of a custodian wallet provider or cryptoasset exchange provider, shall be regarded as a donation received by the party from a person who is not a permissible donor. (8) Within three months of the coming into force of this section, the Electoral Commission must publish guidance in relation to the matters in subsection (7). (9) In this section— “Cryptoassets” has the meaning given by Regulation 14A(3)(a) of the Money Laundering, Terrorist Financing and Transfer of Funds (Information on the Payer) Regulations 2017; “Custodian wallet provider” has the meaning given by Section 131ZC (3) of the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002; “Cryptoasset exchange provider” has the meaning given by Section 131ZC (3) of the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002.’ (3) RPA 1983 is amended as set out in subsection (4). (4) In Schedule 2A, Section 6 (prohibition on accepting donations from impermissible donors), after subparagraph (3), insert— ‘(3A) Any relevant donation received by a candidate or their election agent which is— (a) made wholly or in part with cryptoassets, (b) made from the proceeds generated by crypto-assets such as digital tokens and memecoins, or (c) accepted by means of a custodian wallet provider or cryptoasset exchange provider, shall be regarded as a donation received by a candidate or their election agent who is not a permissible donor. (3B) Within three months of the coming into force of this section, the Commission must publish guidance in relation to the matters in subsection (3A). (3C) In this section— “Cryptoassets” has the meaning given by Regulation 14A(3)(a) of the Money Laundering, Terrorist Financing and Transfer of Funds (Information on the Payer) Regulations 2017; “Custodian wallet provider” has the meaning given by Section 131ZC (3) of the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002; “Cryptoasset exchange provider” has the meaning given by Section 131ZC (3) of the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002.’” The purpose of this new clause is to prevent parties, regulated donees (including third party campaigners) and candidates from accepting donations in cryptoassets or from the proceeds of cryptoassets, to reduce the risks of anonymous and impermissible donations. New clause 35—Enfranchisement of certain foreign nationals at parliamentary elections— “(1) Section 1 (entitlement to vote in parliamentary elections) of the Representation of the People Act 1983 is amended as follows. (2) In subsection (1)(c), after “Ireland” insert “or a foreign national who for the purposes of the Immigration Act 1971 has— (i) the right of abode in the United Kingdom; (ii) settled status under the EU Settlement Scheme; (iii) indefinite leave to enter the United Kingdom; or (iv) indefinite leave to remain in the United Kingdom.”” This new clause expands the right to vote in General Elections to residents of the UK who have the right to abode in the UK or leave to enter or remain for an indefinite period. New clause 36—Enfranchisement of certain foreign nationals at local government elections in England— “(1) Section 2 (entitlement to vote in local elections) of the Representation of the People Act 1983 is amended as follows. (2) In subsection (1)(c) leave out “(in Wales)”. (3) In subsection (1)(c)(i), after “rights” insert “or a qualifying foreign citizen;”.” This new clause expands the right to vote in local government elections in England to extend to foreign citizens with a right to enter or remain in the UK. New clause 37—Access to Elected Office Fund (England)— “(1) RPA 1983 is amended as follows. (2) After Section 90D insert— “90E Access to Elected Office Fund (England) (1) The Secretary of State must, by regulations, require the Electoral Commission to establish and maintain a fund to be known as the Access to Elected Office Fund (England) (“the Fund”). (2) The purpose of the Fund is to provide financial assistance to disabled candidates standing for election in England, including providing assistance to meet any additional campaign costs incurred by the candidate as a result of their disability, and the Electoral Commission or a person designated under subsection (4)(a) must administer the Fund consistently with that purpose. (3) The Secretary of State may from time to time make payments into the Fund of such amounts as they may determine. (4) Regulations under this section may— (a) designate a different person, other than the Electoral Commission, to establish and maintain the Fund; (b) specify criteria for eligibility for financial assistance; (c) set out the types of expenditure for which financial assistance may be provided; (d) specify the value of financial assistance available to an individual candidate; and (e) establish rules and procedures that the Electoral Commission or a person designated under subsection (4)(a) must comply with when administering the Fund. (5) Before making any regulations under subsection (1) the Secretary of State must consult— (a) disabled people; (b) political parties; (c) relevant charities and civil society organisations; and (d) the Equality and Human Rights Commission. (6) For the purposes of this section, “disability” has the meaning given under section (6) (disability) of the Equality Act 2010. (7) Any regulations made under this section must not be made unless a draft has been laid before and approved by resolution of each House of Parliament.”” New clause 38—Enfranchisement of foreign nationals at local elections in Northern Ireland— “(1) Section 2 (local elections electors) of the RPA 1983 is amended as follows. (2) In subsection (1)(c), at end insert— “(iii) in relation to a local government election in Northern Ireland, a relevant citizen of the Union or a qualifying foreign citizen;”” This new clause would give all residents in Northern Ireland with leave to enter or stay in the UK the right to vote in local and Assembly elections in Northern Ireland. New clause 39—Prohibition on campaigning or obstructing electors outside polling places— “(1) A person who interferes or obstructs or impedes a person going to or coming from a polling station commits an offence. (2) During the period commencing 30 minutes before the time appointed for the taking of a poll at an election, and ending 30 minutes after the close of the said poll, a person shall not, in or in the curtilage of a polling station or in any place within 50 metres of such station, for the purpose of promoting the interest of a political party or furthering the candidature of a candidate or candidates or soliciting votes for a candidate or candidates or for any contrary purpose, do any or all of the following— (a) loiter or congregate with other persons; (b) attempt to induce, by any means whatsoever, an elector to vote for a candidate or candidates or vote in a particular way or refrain from voting; (c) display or distribute any notice, sign or poster (other than a notice, sign or poster displayed by the returning officer) or card, circular or other document relating to the election; or (d) use or cause to be used any loud-speaker or other public address mechanism to broadcast matter relating to the election. (3) For the purpose of this section, a polling station shall be deemed to include all parts of the building and any land within the curtilage of the building in which the polling station is situated and the distance referred to in subsection (2) shall be measured from any entrance to the polling station or to the curtilage thereof. (4) A person who contravenes subsection (2) commits an offence. (5) A person who commits an offence under this section is liable on summary conviction— (a) in England and Wales, to imprisonment for a term not exceeding 6 months, to a fine or to both; (b) in Scotland or Northern Ireland, to imprisonment for a term not exceeding 6 months, to a fine not exceeding level 5 on the standard scale or to both.” This new clause would prevent people from campaigning, interfering, obstructing or impeding electors going to or coming from a polling station. New clause 40—Voting eligibility of convicted persons in detention— “In section 3 of RPA 1983, (disfranchisement of offenders in prison etc.)— (a) for subsection (1), substitute— “(1) A convicted person, during the time that they are detained in a penal institution in pursuance of a sentence imposed for a term exceeding four years or unlawfully at large when they would otherwise be so detained, is legally incapable of voting at any parliamentary or local government election.”; (b) omit subsection (1A); and (c) in subsection 1B, for “1A” substitute “1”.” The new clause seeks to extend the franchise at UK Parliamentary and local government elections to include those serving a custodial sentence not exceeding four years and who would ordinarily be eligible. New clause 41—Guidance on the law relating to digital communication offences in relation to elections— “(1) The Secretary of State must, within six months of the passing of this Act, publish and lay before both Houses of Parliament guidance on certain digital communication offences, including offences involving digital manipulation and artificially generated content in relation to candidates and elected officials. (2) Any guidance issued under subsection (1) must include guidance on the following— (a) the operation of section 106 (false statements as to candidates) of the RPA 1983 in relation to digital communications; (b) the operation of section 114A (undue influence) of the RPA 1983 in relation to digital communications; (c) the interaction between the operations of sections 106 and 114A of the RPA 1983 and the duty of providers under the Online Safety Act 2023, including in relation to priority offences during election periods. (3) Within 12 months of the publication of guidance under subsection (1) and annually thereafter, the Secretary of State must publish and lay before Parliament either— (a) a statement that no updates to the guidance are required, or (b) an updated version of the guidance. (4) Before issuing— (a) any guidance under subsection (1) or subsection (3)(b), or (b) a statement under subsection (3)(a), the Secretary of State must consult OFCOM and such other persons as they think necessary. (5) For the purposes of this section “priority offences” means an offence listed in Schedule 7 (Priority offences) of the Online Safety Act 2023.” This new clause would require the Government to publish guidance on the operation of certain offences relating to digital communications as they relate to candidates and elected officials. New clause 42—Report on electoral online harms— “(1) Within six months of the passing of this Act, the Electoral Commission must publish a report on the prevention of electoral online harms. (2) For the purposes of this section, “electoral online harms” includes— (a) abuse and harassment of or threats directed towards elected representatives, candidates, party campaigners and election officials, or (b) incitement or violence against any such individuals, but does not include mockery or insult, save where it forms part of a campaign of harassment. (3) Any report published under subsection (1) must contain— (a) an assessment of the risks of electoral online harms, and (b) proposals to put in place systems to mitigate those risks including through amendment of the Online Safety Act 2023. (4) Before publishing its report under subsection (1) the Electoral Commission must consult— (a) OFCOM, and (b) the National Police Chiefs Council.” This new clause would require the Electoral Commission to publish a report containing an assessment of the risks of online electoral harms, and proposals to put in place systems to mitigate those risks. New clause 43—Repository of digital political advertising— “(1) The Elections Act 2022 is amended as set out in subsection (2). (2) After section 61 insert— “Part 6A Repository of digital political advertising 61A Establishing a repository of digital political advertising (1) The Secretary of State must, by regulations, make provision to require the Electoral Commission to establish a repository of paid-for digital political advertising. (2) Any regulations made under subsection (1) must— (a) provide for the repository of political advertising to be publicly accessible; (b) specify that a provider of a Category 1 service within the meaning of the Online Safety Act 2023 must ensure that prescribed information relating to such advertising is submitted to the repository as soon as reasonably practicable, and, in any event, within 72 hours; (c) set out the types of information to be prescribed; and (d) provide for material in the repository to be transferred to the National Archives for preservation after a certain period. (3) Before making any regulations that make provision for the matters under subsection 2(c), the Secretary of State must consult— (a) the Electoral Commission; (b) the Information Commissioner’s Office; and (c) OFCOM. (4) Any regulations made under subsection (1) must be laid before and agreed by both Houses of Parliament.”” This new clause requires the Secretary of State to bring forward regulations to require the Electoral Commission to establish a publicly available repository of political advertising. New clause 44—Electoral Commission: powers to obtain information outside of a formal investigation— “(1) The Elections Act 2022 is amended as follows. (2) After Schedule 12, insert— “SCHEDULE 13: Electoral Commission powers to obtain information outside of a formal investigation (1) The Secretary of State must, by regulations, make provision to allow the Electoral Commission to issue a notice requiring certain information from a regulated user-to-user service or search service, at any time during any regulated election period. (2) Any regulations made under paragraph (1) must specify that a person to whom a notice is given under this paragraph must comply with it within such reasonable time as is specified in the notice. (3) Any regulations made under paragraph (1) must specify the information which may be requested by the Electoral Commission, and include the following where they relate to elections— (a) information relating to paid-for political advertising; (b) algorithmic systems; (c) coordinated inauthentic behaviour; and (d) automated or bot accounts (whether domestic or foreign). (4) Any regulations made under paragraph (2) must also provide for any safeguards considered necessary by the Secretary of State as regards data protection or commercial confidentiality. (5) Any regulations made under paragraph (1) must be laid before and agreed by both Houses of Parliament. (6) For the purposes of this Schedule, “user-to-user service” has the meaning given by section 3 (“user-to-user service” and “search service”) of the Online Safety Act 2023.”” New clause 45—Critical election incident protocol— “(1) The Secretary of State must, within twelve months of the passing of this Act, publish and lay before both Houses of Parliament, a Critical Election Incident Protocol (“the Protocol”) for the purpose of responding to incidents that present a significant risk to the integrity, security or public confidence of elections. (2) For the purposes of this section, a “Critical Election Incident” means any event, threat or activity that poses a substantial risk to— (a) the integrity, security or administration of an election; (b) the ability of the public to freely participate in the electoral process; (c) or public confidence in the fairness or legitimacy of an election. (3) Before publishing the Protocol, the Secretary of State must consult the following on its contents— (a) relevant civil society organisations, (b) relevant experts, and (c) relevant regulators. (4) Any Protocol published under subsection (1) must include— (a) the establishment of an oversight body comprised of such senior ministers and officials as the Secretary of State considers appropriate; (b) the establishment of an advisory body of civil society and experts with relevant expertise as the Secretary of State considers appropriate; (c) criteria by which Critical Election Incidents are identified and the Protocol is triggered; (d) categories of severity of Critical Election Incidents based on their severity; and (e) details of differentiated responses to Critical Election Incidents for each of the categories identified under subsection (d) which would be necessary and proportionate. (5) Any Protocol published under subsection (1) must be compatible with the United Kingdom’s human rights obligations including but not limited to the right to freedom of expression under article 10 of the European Convention on Human Rights. (6) The Secretary of State must lay before Parliament a report on the operation of the Protocol— (a) one year after the publication of the Protocol under subsection (1) and annually thereafter; and (b) within three months of any occasion on which the Protocol has been used. (7) Any report published under subsection (6) must include— (a) a description of activities undertaken under the Protocol, subject to any necessary limitations relating to national security or ongoing investigations; (b) information about consultation with the established oversight and advisory bodies; (c) an assessment of the impact of the Protocol on human rights and democratic participation. (8) Any report produced under subsection (6) must be sent to the Housing and Local Government Committee of the House of Commons. (9) In this section, references to Housing and Local Government Committee shall— (a) if the name of that Committee is changed, be taken (subject to paragraph (b)) to be references to the Committee by its new name; (b) if the functions of that Committee at the passing of this Act with respect to matters relating to Protocol become functions of a different committee of the House of Commons, be taken to be references to the committee by whom the functions for the time being exercisable.” New clause 46—Government review of the “regulated periods” in relation to elections— “(1) The Secretary of State must, within 12 months of the passing of this Act, commission a review of the adequacy of the current regulated periods for elections and referendums. (2) The review must consider the following— (a) the impact of campaign activity outside the relevant regulated period on elections; (b) whether the length of the regulated periods are sufficient to tackle the prevalence of— (i) manipulated content, (ii) misinformation, (iii) disinformation, and their potential influence on elections. (3) The review may make any recommendations it feels necessary for legislative or regulatory reform as a result of its findings. (4) For the purposes of this section, “campaign activity” includes— (a) digital campaigning; (b) targeted advertising; and (c) automated content distribution. (5) For the purposes of this section “regulated period” means any period regulated under the Representation of the People Act 1983. (6) The Secretary of State must lay a report of the review before both Houses of Parliament, together with their response to any recommendations for legislative or regulatory reform.” This new clause requires the government to establish a review of the “regulated periods” in relation to elections which would consider whether the length of the regulated periods are sufficient in relation to the prevalence of manipulated content, misinformation and disinformation. New clause 47—Information to be included with electronic material: data provenance— “After Section 41 (requirement to include information with electronic material) of the Elections Act 2022 insert— “Requirement to include information with electronic material created through generative artificial intelligence (1) This section applies to electronic material which— (a) meets the conditions in section 42 (paid for electronic material), or (b) meets the conditions in section 44 (other electronic material), and has been generated wholly through generative artificial intelligence. (2) Electronic material to which this section applies must not be published unless it includes the following information— (a) a statement that content was wholly generated by a generative artificial intelligence system; (b) the name of the system used to generate the content. (3) The Secretary of State may, by regulations, specify— (a) additional requirements for information to be required under subsection (2); (b) the form in which the information required under subsection (2) is to be provided. (4) The form prescribed by regulations under subsection (3)(b) must be a form which can be detected and processed by regulated user-to-user services for the purpose of providing the required information to users of such services. (5) Any regulations made under subsection (3) must be laid before and agreed by both Houses of Parliament. (6) For the purposes of this section, “generative artificial intelligence” means a computer system or software that— (a) is capable of producing text, images, audio, video, or other content autonomously, wholly or substantially, based on prompts or instructions provided by a user; (b) uses machine learning or other algorithmic techniques to generate content that mimics human-created material; and (c) may produce content that is not pre-existing but is synthesized based on patterns learned from existing data.”” This new clause requires campaign material which has been generated by generative artificial intelligence to include a statement to that effect along with the name of the system used. It creates a power for the Government to make regulations about the information to be included. New clause 48—Blind and partially sighted voters: equipment and secret voting— “(1) Rule 29 (equipment of polling stations) of Schedule 1 to RPA 1983 (parliamentary elections rules) is amended as follows. (2) In paragraph (3)(a), at end insert— “independently and in secret”. (3) For paragraph (3A) substitute— “(3A) The returning officer shall also provide each polling station with such equipment as is necessary to ensure that relevant persons are able to vote independently and in secret, including— (a) tactile equipment that enables the voter to navigate the ballot paper and accurately mark their chosen candidate without assistance; and (b) audio equipment that enables the voter to access and review the content of the ballot paper in the language in which it is printed without assistance.” (4) After paragraph (3A) insert— “(3AA) For the purposes of paragraph (3A)(b), a person is able to vote independently and in secret only if they are not required to rely on the assistance of the presiding officer, companion, or any other person to navigate, review and mark the ballot paper.”” This new clause would require certain equipment to be provided to people who find it difficult or impossible to vote because they are blind, partially sighted, or because of another disability in order for them to be able to vote independently and in secret. New clause 49—Electoral Advertising Code of Practice— “(1) The Electoral Commission must prepare and publish an Electoral Advertising Code of Practice (“the Advertising Code”). (2) The Advertising Code must include principles and guidance relating to electoral advertising and must in particular include provisions relating to— (a) ensuring the accuracy of factual claims, (b) the need for relevant and reliable evidence to substantiate factual claims, (c) the need to clearly identify the political party affiliated with an advert, (d) transparency in the use of artificial intelligence, and (e) issuing prompt public corrections to address mistakes. (3) In this section “electoral advertising” means any factual claims in marketing communications, whenever published or distributed, whose principal function is to influence voters in a local, regional, national or international election or referendum. (4) Before preparing or revising the Advertising Code, the Electoral Commission must carry out such consultation as it considers appropriate and must in particular consult— (a) the Electoral Advertising Code Committee, (b) representatives of parties appointed to the Parliamentary Parties Panel in accordance with section 4 of the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000, and (c) such other persons as the Electoral Commission considers appropriate.” This new clause would require the Electoral Commission to produce an Electoral Advertising Code of Practice. It is connected to NC50, NC51 and NC52. New clause 50—Electoral Advertising Code Committee— “(1) The Electoral Commission must establish an Electoral Advertising Code Committee (“the Committee”). (2) The functions of the Committee are— (a) to advise the Electoral Commission on the preparation and revision of the Advertising Code, (b) to adjudicate on alleged breaches of the Advertising Code, and (c) to oversee the operation of and monitor the effectiveness of the Advertising Code. (3) In exercising functions under this Part, the Committee must have regard to the importance of freedom of political expression and open democratic debate, and will not determine matters of political opinion unless they fall within the scope of factual claims in electoral advertising. (4) The Committee is to consist of— (a) a Chair, (b) a member nominated by the Electoral Commission, (c) a member nominated by the Advertising Standards Authority or its successor body, (d) a member nominated by the Office of Communications, and (e) a member nominated by the United Kingdom Statistics Authority. (5) Nothing in this Part limits the powers of the bodies identified in subsection (4) under any other enactment. (6) The Chair is to be appointed by the Electoral Commission following a fair and open competition conducted in accordance with the Public Appointments Code, with a majority of independent members on the assessment panel and a senior independent panel member. (7) The appointment of the Chair requires the consent of the Speaker’s Committee on the Electoral Commission, which must not be unreasonably withheld or delayed. (8) In making the appointment, the Electoral Commission must have regard to the need to secure the independence of the Committee. (9) A person appointed as Chair holds office— (a) for a single non-renewable term of five years from the date of appointment, and (b) in accordance with terms and conditions (including as to remuneration and pension) specified by the Electoral Commission. (10) The Chair may resign from office by giving written notice to the Electoral Commission. (11) The Electoral Commission must pay to the Committee the sums determined by the Chair as appropriate for, or in connection with, the carrying out of the Committee’s functions. (12) The Secretary of State must, within the period of 6 months beginning with the day on which this Act is passed, carry out a consultation on a levy on registered political parties’ election advertising spend for the purpose of funding the Electoral Advertising Code Committee. (13) In carrying out the consultation, the Secretary of State must consult— (a) the Electoral Commission, (b) representatives of registered political parties, and (c) such other persons as the Secretary of State considers appropriate.” This new clause would require the Electoral Commission to establish an Electoral Advertising Code Committee. It is connected to NC49, NC51 and NC52. New clause 51—Status of the Campaign Code and enforcement of the Advertising Code— “(1) Persons engaged in political campaigning must have regard to the Campaign Code. (2) A registered political party must prepare, publish and keep under review a code of conduct relating to its political campaigning. (3) A code under subsection (2) must be consistent with the Campaign Code and must in particular include provisions relating to— (a) honesty in political debate and reasonable efforts to not mislead voters, and (b) the avoidance of intimidation, harassment or abusive conduct. (4) The following persons, when engaged in electoral advertising, must comply with the Advertising Code— (a) registered political parties, (b) members of the House of Commons, (c) members of any local authority in any part of the United Kingdom, (d) members of the Greater London Assembly, (e) candidates or prospective candidates at a United Kingdom general election, by-election, local authority election, Greater London Authority election or mayoral election, (f) recognised third parties within the meaning of the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000, and (g) election agents within the meaning of the Representation of the People Act 1983. (5) The Committee may, by written notice, require a person to provide information or documents reasonably required for the purposes of investigating a suspected breach of the Advertising Code. (6) A person must comply with a requirement under subsection (5) unless the person has a reasonable excuse. (7) If, on an application by the Committee, a court is satisfied that a person has failed to comply with a requirement under subsection (5), the court may make an order requiring the person to provide the Committee with— (a) information referred to in the notice, and (b) other information which the court is satisfied the Committee requires. (8) Where the Committee considers that electoral advertising is inconsistent with the Advertising Code, it may take the following steps which it considers reasonable to secure compliance— (a) issuing a notice requiring the person responsible to amend, withdraw or substantiate the advertising within a specified period, (b) publishing a formal finding of non-compliance on its website [and in the repository of political adverts], (c) requiring the publication of a correction, clarification or updated version of the advertising with similar prominence where practicable, (d) notifying relevant online services or publishers and requesting prompt suspension or removal of advertising during the regulated period, and (e) referring repeated or serious breaches to the Electoral Commission to impose civil sanctions in accordance with its powers under Schedule 19C to the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000. (9) In deciding whether to impose a civil sanction under subsection (8)(e), the Electoral Commission must have regard to— (a) the findings and recommendations of the Committee, and (b) any enforcement action taken in relation to the same conduct under any other enactment. (10) Where the Electoral Commission imposes a civil sanction following a referral from the Committee, it must publish a notice setting out— (a) the nature of the breach, (b) the sanction imposed, and (c) the reasons for the sanction. (11) A person on whom a civil sanction is imposed under subsection (8)(e) may appeal in accordance with the appeal provisions under the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000. (12) Failure to comply with the Campaign Code or the Advertising Code does not of itself give rise to criminal liability.” This new clause is connected to NC49, NC50 and NC52. New clause 52—Code of Conduct for Political Campaigning— “(1) The Electoral Commission must prepare and publish a Code of Conduct for Political Campaigning (“the Campaign Code”). (2) The Campaign Code must set out principles and guidance relating to political campaigning and must in particular include provisions relating to— (a) honesty in political debate and reasonable efforts to not mislead voters, and (b) the avoidance of intimidation, harassment or abusive conduct. (3) In this section “political campaigning” means any conduct, communications or other activity which can reasonably be regarded as intended, directly or indirectly, to influence public support for, or opposition to— (a) a registered political party, (b) a candidate or prospective candidate at a general election, by-election, local election or mayoral election, or (c) an outcome in a referendum. (4) Before preparing or revising the Campaign Code, the Electoral Commission must carry out such consultation as it considers appropriate and must in particular consult— (a) representatives of parties appointed to the Parliamentary Parties Panel in accordance with section 4 (parliamentary parties panel) of the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000, and (b) such other persons as the Electoral Commission considers appropriate. (5) The Electoral Commission may revise the Campaign Code from time to time, and subsections (1) to (4) apply to a revised Campaign Code as they apply to the original. (6) Electoral advertising as defined in this Part is regulated under the Electoral Advertising Code of Practice and subject to enforcement by the Electoral Advertising Code Committee. (7) This Part applies in relation to elections and referendums for which provision may be made by an Act of the United Kingdom Parliament.” This new clause would establish a Code of Conduct for Political Campaigning. It is connected to NC49 to NC51. The reference in this new clause to “this Part” is a reference to a new Part which would be formed of NC49 to NC51. New clause 53—Third party campaigning: meaning of “controlled expenditure”— “(1) Section 85 of PPERA 2000 (controlled expenditure by third parties) is amended as follows. (2) In subsection (2)(b) substitute “can reasonably be regarded as intended to promote or procure” with “is incurred with a view to promoting or procuring”. (3) Omit subsection (4A).” This new clause would amend the definition of “controlled expenditure” so that expenditure will only be “controlled expenditure” if the intention of a relevant third party is to promote or procure electoral success for registered parties or candidates. New clause 54—Declaration of gifts and benefits— “(1) Schedule 1 to RPA 1983 (parliamentary elections rules) is amended as follows. (2) After rule 8 (consent to nomination) insert— ‘Declaration of certain gifts and benefits prior to nomination (1) A person is not validly nominated unless the person makes a declaration stating— (a) whether they have received in the 12 months preceding the declaration, or are currently in receipt of, gifts or benefits from a single source which are individually or cumulatively of a value exceeding £5000 (“a qualifying gift or benefit”); (b) the value of any qualifying gift or benefit; and (c) the source of any qualifying gift or benefit. (2) The declaration must be— (a) in the prescribed form, (b) signed by the person, and (c) delivered at the place and within the time for the delivery of nomination papers. (3) For the purposes of this rule, a gift or benefit means— (a) any gift to the person of money or other property; (b) any sponsorship provided in relation to the person; (c) any money lent to the person otherwise than on commercial terms; (d) any money spent in paying any expenses incurred directly or indirectly by the person; or (e) the provision otherwise than on commercial terms of any property, services or facilities for the use or benefit of the person; whether or not made in connection with the person’s nomination. (4) A gift or benefit is not required to be declared under sub-paragraph (1) if it is provided by an immediate family member of the person and the conditions in sub-paragraph (5) are met. (5) The conditions are that— (a) the gift or benefit is not being transferred, either directly or indirectly, from any third person; and (b) the gift or benefit is not made or used in connection with the person’s nomination or any other political activity. (6) For the purposes of this rule “immediate family member” means a spouse, civil partner, partner, parent, child, sibling, grandparent or grandchild. (7) In rule 6A (nomination papers: name of registered political party), at the end insert— “(4) A registered political party is under a duty to ensure that a candidate has made the declaration required by rule 8A, and a certificate under paragraph (1) or (1B) may not be issued by or on behalf of the registered nominating officer of the party in respect of a candidate unless this duty has been discharged.”’” This new clause would require candidates to declare gifts or benefits worth over £5000, except from immediate family, during the 12 months before nomination to be validly nominated, It also places a duty on parties to ensure candidates have made this declaration before authorising them to stand on their behalf. New clause 56—Plan for implementation of registration without an application— “(1) The Secretary of State must prepare and publish a plan for the implementation of Part 2. (2) The Secretary of State must comply with subsection (1) within the period of two months beginning with the day on which this section of this Act comes into force. (3) The Secretary of State must lay a copy of the plan before Parliament. (4) The plan must set out— (a) the steps that the Secretary of State plans to take to facilitate the registration of persons registered under section 12A of RPA 1983, including the dates by which each step will be completed; (b) when the Secretary of State expects any pilot regulations made under section 20 to be laid before each House of Parliament; (c) a projection of the number of additional persons registered by 15 August 2029 as a consequence of the implementation (in part or in full) of Part 2.” This new clause would require the Secretary of State to publish a plan for implementation of registration without an application. New clause 57—Compulsory voting and civic education— “(1) The Secretary of State must, within 12 months of the passing of this Act, publish and lay before both Houses of Parliament proposals for introducing— (a) a compulsory duty to vote at UK parliamentary elections and local elections in England, and (b) a programme of civic education in connection with that duty. (2) Proposals published under this section relating to compulsory voting must include— (a) provision for electors to be able to mark an abstention, either through returning a spoilt or blank ballot; (b) provision for the failure to vote to be punishable through a penalty fine, at a rate to be set by the Secretary of State; (c) provision for certain exemptions to be made for those who are unable to participate in an election, including— (i) those with a physical or mental illness, or disability, (ii) those who are unavoidably absent from the UK, and (iii) those with a sincerely held religious belief that prevents them from participating in the election. (3) Proposals published under this section relating to a programme of civic education must include civic education in schools and the production of learning materials for adults on topics including— (a) the different electoral systems operation in the UK, and (b) the roles and responsibilities of elected office holders in the UK.” This new clause requires the Government to publish proposals for compulsory voting at UK general elections and local elections in England and proposals for a programme of civic education in schools and the production of learning materials for adults on topics including electoral systems and the roles of elected office holders. New clause 58—Offences for purposes of Part 5 of the Elections Act 2022: domestic abuse— “(1) Schedule 9 (offences for the purpose of part 5) of the Elections Act 2022 is amended as set out in subsection (2). (2) After paragraph 52A (Online Safety Act 2023) insert— “Behaviour amounting to domestic abuse 52B Any offence where the behaviour of the accused amounted to domestic abuse within the meaning of the Domestic Abuse Act 2021 (see section 1 of that Act).”” This new clause would add offences amounting to domestic abuse to the list of Schedule 9 offences for which provisions relating to hostility would apply. New clause 59—Disqualification orders for court orders relating to abuse or harassment— “(1) The Elections Act 2022 is amended as set out below. (2) After Section 30 (disqualification orders) insert— “30A Disqualification orders in connection with court orders relating to abuse or harassment (1) This section applies where— (a) a person (“the perpetrator”) has a qualifying order made against them, (b) the perpetrator was aged 18 or over when the order was made, and (c) the court is satisfied beyond reasonable doubt that behaviour done to a person for whose protection the qualifying order is made is aggravated by hostility to a person falling within any of sections 32 to 34. (2) For the purposes of subsection (1)(a), a qualifying order is— (a) a domestic violence protection order; (b) a non-molestation order; or (c) a restraining order. (3) The court must, when making a qualifying order, also make an order (a “disqualification order”) that the offender is disqualified, for the period in which the qualifying order is in force— (a) for being nominated for election to a relevant elective office, and (b) for being elected to or holding a relevant elective office. (4) Subsection (2) does not apply where the court considers that there are particular circumstances relating to the qualifying order or to the perpetrator which would make it unjust in all the circumstances to make the order; and in such a case the court must state the reasons for not making the order. (5) For the purposes of this section an offence is aggravated by hostility related to persons falling within any of sections 32 to 34 if— (a) at the time the order was made, or immediately before or after doing so, the offender demonstrated towards the person for whose protection the order was made, hostility based on the person being (or being presumed to be) a person falling within any of sections 32 to 34, or (b) the abusive behaviour was motivated (wholly or partly) by hostility towards persons falling within any of those sections in their capacity as such. (6) For the purposes of subsection (4) it is immaterial whether or not the perpetrator’s hostility is also based, to any extent, on any other factor not mentioned in that subsection. (7) For the purpose of deciding whether to make a disqualification order the court may consider evidence led by the prosecution and the defence. (8) It is immaterial whether evidence led in pursuance of subsection (6) would have been admissible in the proceedings in which the protection order was made. (9) In this section— “domestic violence protection order” has the meaning set out in section 27 (meaning of “domestic abuse protection order”) of the Domestic Abuse Act 2021; “non-molestation order” has the meaning set out in section 42 (non-molestation orders) of the Family Law Act 1996; “restraining order” has the meaning set out in chapter 3 (protection from harassment) of the Sentencing Act 2020; “presumed” means presumed by the offender. (10) In section 37 (interpretation of part), in subsection (1) after “section 30” insert “or 30A”.” This new clause would require courts to make a disqualifying order alongside court orders imposed to prevent abuse or harassment in cases where the hostility relates to a person protected under the Elections Act 2022. New clause 61—Restriction on registration of parties with assets greater than £250,000— “(1) PPERA 2000 is amended as follows. (2) In Section 28 (registration of parties) after subsection (3D) insert— “(3DA) A party may not make an application under this section at any time when the total value of the party’s assets is greater than £250,000” (3) In Schedule 4 (applications under part II) after paragraph 5 insert— “5A An application must be accompanied by a declaration containing the details of all bank accounts used by the central party and, where relevant, its accounting units for managing all income and expenditure of the party. 5B The Secretary of State may by regulations set out the information required in a declaration under paragraph 5A following a recommendation by the Electoral Commission. 5C Regulations under paragraph 5B are subject to the affirmative resolution procedure.”” This new clause prevents a new political party from applying to be registered with the Electoral Commission if it has assets of more than £250,000 at the time of registration, and to provide the Commission with details of the bank accounts used. New clause 62—Statutory guidance on suspected breaches of the Ballot Secrecy Act 2023— “(1) Within six months of the passing of this Act, the Electoral Commission must prepare draft guidance for Returning Officers on enforcing the provisions of the Ballot Secrecy Act 2023. (2) Once the Commission has prepared draft guidance under this section, it must submit it to the Secretary of State. (3) Within 28 days of receipt the draft ballot secrecy guidance, the Secretary of State must lay before each House of Parliament a copy of the draft guidance, either— (a) in its original form, or (b) in a form which incorporates any modifications that the Secretary of State considers necessary. (4) If the draft guidance incorporates any such modifications, the Secretary of State must at the same time lay before each House a statement of the Secretary of State’s reasons for making them. (5) If, within the 40-day period, either House resolves not to approve the draft guidance, the Secretary of State must take no further steps in relation to the draft guidance. (6) Subsection (5) does not prevent new draft guidance from being laid before Parliament. (7) If no resolution of the kind mentioned in subsection (5) is made within the 40-day period— (a) the Secretary of State must issue the guidance in the form of the draft laid before Parliament, (b) the Commission must arrange for the guidance to be published in such manner as it considers appropriate, and (c) the guidance comes into force on such day as the Secretary of State may by regulations appoint. (8) The Commission— (a) may from time to time prepare draft revised guidance under this section, and (b) must prepare draft revised guidance under this section if directed to do so by the Secretary of State. (9) References in this section (other than in subsection (1)) to guidance or draft guidance include revised guidance or draft revised guidance. (10) In this section “the 40-day period”, in relation to draft guidance, means— (a) if the draft is laid before one House on a day later than the day on which it is laid before the other House, the period of 40 days beginning with the later of the two days, and (b) in any other case, the period of 40 days beginning with the day on which the draft is laid before each House, no account being taken of any period during which Parliament is dissolved or prorogued or during which both Houses are adjourned for more than four days. (11) Returning Officers must have regard to guidance issued under this section in exercising their functions.” This new clause would require the Electoral Commission to prepare, and Parliament to approve, statutory guidance to Returning Officers on the enforcement of the Ballot Secrecy Act 2023. New clause 63—Overseas electors: reform to voting process— “(1) The Secretary of State, must, by regulations, make provision to enable overseas voters to vote in person at a United Kingdom Embassy, High Commission or consulate at United Kingdom parliamentary elections. (2) For the purpose of this section, an “overseas elector” is a person who fulfils the requirements for an overseas elector in section 1 (extension of parliamentary franchise) of the RPA 1985. (3) Regulations made under subsection (1) may amend provision made by or under any other Act as necessary. (4) Any regulations made under this section must not be made unless a draft has been laid before and approved by resolution of each House of Parliament.” This new clause would require the Secretary of State to make provision by regulations so that overseas electors can vote in person at United Kingdom embassies, consulates and high commissions for United Kingdom parliamentary elections. New clause 64—Electoral Register: British Nationals Abroad— “(1) The Secretary of State may, by regulations, introduce a system to give overseas electors the option to register to vote when they renew their British passport online. (2) Any regulations made under subsection (1) must be made under the affirmative procedure.” This new clause would allow the Secretary of State to regulate to introduce a system to allow overseas electors the ability to register to vote when they renew their passport online. New clause 65—Independent review of registration and participation by overseas electors in UK Parliamentary elections— “(1) The Secretary of State must commission an independent review into how to increase the registration and participation by overseas electors in UK Parliamentary elections. (2) The matters which the review must consider shall include, but shall not be limited to— (a) the experience of overseas voters at 2024 general election; (b) the impact of the Elections Act 2022 on overseas voters; (c) the number of voters participating from overseas in recent elections in the United Kingdom. (3) The independent review must report within six months of the passing of this Act and be laid before Parliament.” This new clause would require the Secretary of State to commission an independent review into increasing the registration and participation by overseas electors in UK parliamentary elections. New clause 66—Sponsorship— “(1) The Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000 is amended as follows. (2) In section 51 (sponsorship) after subsection 3 (b) insert— “(c) the making of any payment in respect of advertisements or marketing at a conference organised by or on behalf of a registered party where the payment is made at the commercial rate payable for such advertisements or marketing;” (3) In section 52 (payments, services etc. not to be regarded as donations), for subsection (3) substitute— “(3) Nothing in section 50 or 51 shall have the result that a payment made in respect of the— (a) hire of a stand, (b) hire or sponsorship of a lounge, dedicated space, room, marquee, roundtable event, meal or reception, at or associated with a party conference organised by or on behalf of a registered party is to constitute a donation to the party for the purposes of this Part if or to the extent that the payment does not exceed such of the maximum commercial rates which the Commission determine to be reasonable for such types of activity at a conference.”” This new clause amends the definition of sponsorship for the purposes of PPERA 2000 so that it does not include advertising, marketing, hire of a stand or a space associated with a party conference, where payment is made at commercial rates. New clause 67—Language of campaign materials— “(1) During the relevant period campaign material must not be promoted or published in a foreign language. (2) A person is guilty of an offence if the person causes campaign material to be promoted or published that falls within subsection (1). (3) For the purposes of this section— “campaign material” means imprinted election campaign material published by political parties and candidates, whether in hard copy or digital format; “foreign language” means a native language of any foreign country outside the British Islands, other than English; “relevant period” the period after the date on which the candidate becomes a candidate at an election. (4) A person guilty of an offence under this section is liable— (a) on summary conviction in England and Wales, to a fine; (b) on summary conviction in Scotland or Northern Ireland to a fine not exceeding level 5 on the standard scale. (5) It is a defence for a person charged with an offence under subsection (2) to prove— (a) that the person took all reasonable steps, and exercised all due diligence, to ensure that the campaign material was not promoted or published contrary to subsection (1), and (b) that the contravention arose from circumstances beyond the person’s control.” This new clause would ban election materials published in a foreign language by political parties and candidates during the short campaign. It would not ban campaigning in native languages of the British Islands such as in English, Welsh, Cornish, Ulster Scots, Irish, et al. Nor would it prevent campaigning via the likes of BSL or Braille. New clause 68—Deadlines for proxy vote applications sent by post— ‘(1) In regulation 56 (closing date for applications) of the Representation of the People (England and Wales) Regulations 2001, after paragraph (1) insert— “(1AA) An application for a proxy vote under paragraph 3(1), (6) or (7), 4(3) or 7(4) of Schedule 4 of the Representation of the People Act 2000 is not to be refused by virtue of paragraph (1) if— (a) the application was sent by post; and (b) the registration officer is satisfied on the basis of a postmark or other proof of posting that the application was posted at such time that it would be a reasonable expectation of the applicant that it would have been delivered before the time mentioned in paragraph (1); and (c) the application was received before 5 p.m. on the day of the poll at that election. (1AB) In determining for the purposes of paragraph (1AA)(b) whether an application would have been delivered before the time mentioned in paragraph (1), the registration officer must have regard to— (a) the means of postal delivery used, and (b) any evidence before the registration officer as to the reasonable expectation for the time of delivery by that means.” (2) In regulation 56 (closing date for applications) of the Representation of the People (Scotland) Regulations 2001, after paragraph (1) insert— “(1AA) An application for a proxy vote under paragraph 3(1), (6) or (7), 4(3) or 7(4) of Schedule 4 of the Representation of the People Act 2000 for a particular parliamentary election is not to be refused by virtue of paragraph (1) if— (a) the application was sent by post; and (b) the registration officer is satisfied on the basis of a postmark or other proof of posting that the application was posted at such time that it would be a reasonable expectation of the applicant that it would have been delivered before the time mentioned in paragraph (1); and (c) the application was received before 5 p.m. on the day of the poll at that election. (1AB) In determining for the purposes of paragraph (1AA)(b) whether an application would have been delivered before the time mentioned in paragraph (1), the registration officer must have regard to— (a) the means of postal delivery used, and (b) any evidence before the registration officer as to the reasonable expectation for the time of delivery by that means” (3) In regulation 57 (closing date for applications) of the Representation of the People (Northern Ireland) Regulations 2001, after paragraph (1) insert— “(1AA) An application for a proxy vote under paragraph 3(1), (6) or (7), 4(3) or 7(4) of Schedule 4 of the Representation of the People Act 2000 for a particular parliamentary election is not to be refused by virtue of paragraph (1) if— (a) the application was sent by post; and (b) the registration officer is satisfied on the basis of a postmark or other proof of posting that the application was posted at such time that it would be a reasonable expectation of the applicant that it would have been delivered before the time mentioned in paragraph (1); and (c) the application was received before 5 p.m. on the day of the poll at that election. (1AB) In determining for the purposes of paragraph (1AA)(b) whether an application would have been delivered before the time mentioned in paragraph (1), the registration officer must have regard to— (a) the means of postal delivery used, and (b) any evidence before the registration officer as to the reasonable expectation for the time of delivery by that means”.’ This new clause would require registration officers to accept postal applications for proxy votes in local and general elections in England and Wales, and in general elections in Scotland and Northern Ireland received after the deadline, where there is proof that the application was sent on time for the deadline. New clause 69—Cap on donations— ‘(1) PPERA 2000 is amended as follows. (2) After section 55 (payments etc. which are (or are not) to be treated as donations by permissible donors) insert— “55A Cap on donations (1) A permissible donor must not, subject to subsections (3) and (4), directly or indirectly give a donation to a relevant regulated entity that, individually or in aggregate with other donations from that permissible donor in the same calendar year, exceeds £1,000,000 “the donations cap”. (2) “Donations” for the purpose of sections 55A to 55F, has the meaning given in section 50 (donations for the purposes of part iv) but does not apply to— (a) public funds within the meaning of section 55(2); (b) affiliation fees paid by a trade union to a registered party that comply with the conditions set out in subsection (3) below; (c) subscriptions paid by industrial and provident societies to a registered party; (d) donations between registered parties; (e) exempt trusts within the meaning of section 162(2); (f) bequests. (3) The conditions referred to in subsection 2(b) are that— (a) the amounts paid by the union’s members into the union’s political fund as their contribution to the union’s affiliation fee, and the money paid by that union to the registered party as its affiliation fee are the same; (b) the following information must be provided by the union on all of its membership application forms: (i) an explanation of what the political fund is and the union’s affiliation to a political party; (ii) an explanation of how much individual members contribute to the political fund and towards the union’s affiliation fee; (iii) an explanation of the trade union member’s right at any time to stop contributing to the political fund and the union’s affiliation fee and clear information about how they can do this; and (iv) an explanation of the fact that if a member stops contributing, their membership subscription will be reduced accordingly; and (c) the union informs its members annually of the amount they are contributing to the union’s affiliation fee and of their right to opt out of contributing to the political fund, including how they may do so. (4) A person who contravenes subsection (1) and who knew or ought reasonably to have known their donation exceeded the donations cap commits an offence. 55B Prohibition on accepting donations in excess of the cap (1) A relevant regulated entity must not accept a donation that, individually or in aggregate with other donations from that donor, exceeds the donations cap under section 55A. (2) A relevant person or unincorporated association that contravenes subsection (1) and who knew or ought reasonably to have known that accepting a donation would exceed the donations cap under section 55A commits an offence. 55C Receipts for donations (1) A relevant regulated entity must, within the period of 30 days beginning with the relevant date, provide the donor with a receipt which states— (a) the name of the relevant regulated entity, and any unique identifier given to it by the Electoral Commission; (b) the amount of the donation received; (c) the amount of the donation accepted or returned; and (d) the date on which the donation was accepted or returned. 55D Declaration as to compliance with the donations cap (1) Where a person (P) causes an amount to be received by a relevant regulated entity by way of a donation, a written declaration must be given to the relevant regulated entity— (a) by P, if P is an individual, or (b) if not, by an individual authorised by P to make the declaration, stating, to the best of the individual's knowledge and belief, the donation does not exceed the donations cap under section 55A (cap on donations). (2) A declaration under this section must also state the full name and address of the person by whom it is made and, where subsection (1)(b) applies— (a) state that the person is authorised by P to make the declaration; (b) describe the person's role or position in relation to P; and (c) where relevant, that they have complied with the requirements of section 55F (verification by directors, members and persons of significant control of political donations by companies and limited liability partnerships). (3) A person who knowingly or recklessly makes a false declaration under this section commits an offence. (4) The Commission may by regulations prescribe a form of declaration which may be used for the purposes of this section, and other declarations donors are required to give to a relevant regulated entity by virtue of this Act. 55E Attribution of donations connected with companies and limited liability partnerships (1) For the purposes of section 55A (cap on donations)— (a) a donation made by a company or limited liability partnership is to be treated as made by each relevant person connected with that company or limited liability partnership, and (b) a donation made by a relevant person is to be treated as made by each company or limited liability partnership with which that person is connected. (2) For the purposes of this section, the relevant persons connected with a company are— (a) members of the company, (b) directors of the company, (c) shareholders of the company, and (d) persons with significant control over the company within the meaning of Part 21A of the Companies Act 2006. (3) For the purposes of this section, the relevant persons connected with a limited liability partnership are— (a) members of the limited liability partnership, and (b) persons with significant control over the limited liability partnership. (4) This section applies in addition to, and not in place of, any donation made by the relevant person in their own capacity. (5) This section does not apply to companies with voting shares admitted to trading on a UK regulated market or an EU regulated market within the meaning of section 1173 (minor definitions: general) of the Companies Act 2006. 55F Verification by directors, members and persons of significant control of political donations by companies and limited liability partnerships (1) A company or limited liability partnership must not make a donation until they have verified with their directors, members, shareholders and people with significant control that doing so would not exceed the donations cap. (2) In section 56(1) (acceptance or return of donations: general), leave out from “ascertain)” to the end of the subsection and insert— (a) the identity of the donor; (b) whether they are a permissible donor, and (if that appears to be the case) all such details in respect of him as are required by virtue of paragraph 2 or 2A of Schedule 6 to be given in respect of the donor of a recordable donation; (c) whether the donation exceeds the donations cap. (3) In section 56(2), after "by virtue of section 54(1)" insert— “or section 55B” (4) After section 56(2) insert— 56 “(2A) Where subsection (2) applies and only part of a donation exceeds the donation cap, the party may retain the amount that does not exceed the donations cap.” (5) In section 61(1) (offences concerned with evasion of restrictions on donations), after "other than a permissible donor" insert— “, or which facilitates or is likely to facilitate a breach of section 55A (cap on donations)” (6) In section 160 (general interpretation)— (a) after "“organisation” includes any body corporate and any combination of persons or other unincorporated association;" insert— “political fund” means a political fund maintained by a trade union under Part I of the Trade Union and Labour Relations (Consolidation) Act 1992;” (b) after “registered party” means a party registered under Part II of this Act;” insert— “relevant regulated entity” means— (a) a registered party within the meaning of Part II of this Act; (b) a recognised third party within the meaning of Part VI of this Act; (c) a regulated donee within the meaning of Schedule 7 of this Act; (d) a candidate standing for a relevant election within the meaning of section 22(5) of this Act; (e) an unincorporated association making political contributions within the meaning of Schedule 19A. “relevant person” for the purposes of subsection 55B(2) means— (a) in the case of a political party, the Treasurer; (b) in the case of a recognised third party, the responsible person; (c) in the case of a regulated donee, that person; and (d) in the case of a candidate, that person. () In paragraph 6 of schedule 6 (Donations from impermissible donors), after “section 54(1)(a)” insert— “or section 55B.” (8) In Schedule 20, in Table after Section 56(3) or (4) (failure to return donations) On summary conviction: statutory maximum or 6 months On indictment: fine or 1 year” Insert— Section 55A(8) (cap on donations) On summary conviction: statutory maximum or 6 months On indictment: fine or 1 year Section 55B On summary conviction: statutory maximum or 6 months On indictment: fine or 1 year Section 55D(3) (declaration as to compliance with the donations cap) On summary conviction: statutory maximum or 6 months On indictment: fine or 1 year””” The purpose of this new clause is to introduce a cap on the amount any individual or organisation can give to a political party, candidate, third party campaigner or regulated donee within a calendar year, together with related offences, through amendment to PPERA 2000. New clause 70—Limits on campaign expenditure— “In paragraph 3 of Schedule 9 to the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000 (limits on campaign expenditure)— (a) in sub-paragraph (2), for "£54,010" substitute "£37,600"; (b) in sub-paragraph (3)(a), for "£1,458,440" substitute "£1,015,100"; (c) in sub-paragraph (3)(b), for "£216,060" substitute "£150,390"; (d) in sub-paragraph (3)(c), for "£108,030" substitute “£75,000"; (e) in sub-paragraph (4), for "£54,010" substitute “£37,600”.” This new clause lowers the national campaign spending limits for political parties, in line with recommendations from the Committee on Standards in Public Life (CSPL). New clause 71—Cap on donations exceeding £100,000— “(1) PPERA 2000 is amended as set out in subsection (2). (2) After section 56 (acceptance of return of donations: general) insert— “56A Cap on donations exceeding £100,000 (1) A registered party, recognised third party, regulated donee or permitted participant must not accept a donation or gift from a person if the value of donations and gifts from that person during the course of that calendar year exceeds £100,000. (2) Where a donation is received which would cause the limit for the purposes of subsection (1) to be exceeded, the amount by which the limit is exceeded is to be treated for the purposes of this Act as a donation received from a person who is not a permissible donor. (3) Subsection (1) does not apply to donations between registered parties or where the source of funds for the donation are— (a) public funds within the meaning of section 55(2); (b) exempt trusts within the meaning of section 162(2); (c) affiliation fees paid by a trade union to a registered party that comply with the conditions set out in subsection (4); (d) subscriptions paid by registered societies under the Co-operative and Community Benefit Societies Act 2014 to a registered party; or (e) bequests. (4) The conditions for the purposes of subsection (3)(c) are— (a) that the total amount contributed by members of a union to its political fund for the purpose of paying that union’s affiliation fee to a registered party is no less than the total affiliation fee paid by that union to the registered party; and (b) that the trade union has within the previous twelve months provided those members who contribute to the political fund of that union with details of— (i) the purpose of the political fund; (ii) any relationship between the union and any political party in receipt of contributions paid from the political fund; and (iii) the manner in which a member who contributes to the political fund may exercise a right to stop any contribution to the political fund. (5) The Secretary of State may by regulations make provision about the administration of the conditions in subsection (4). (6) Regulations under subsection (5) are subject to the affirmative resolution procedure.”” This new clause would introduce an annual cap of £100,000 on donations for registered parties, recognised third parties, regulated donees, permitted participants or candidates and their agents, with exemptions for certain organisational donations and bequests. New clause 80—Cap on donations— “(1) PPERA 2000 is amended as follows. (2) After section 55 (payments etc. which are (or are not) to be treated as donations by permissible donors) insert— “55A Cap on donations (1) A permissible donor must not, subject to subsections (3) and (4), directly or indirectly give a donation to a relevant regulated entity that, individually or in aggregate with other donations from that permissible donor in the same calendar year, exceeds £250,000 “the donations cap”. (2) “Donations” for the purpose of sections 55A to 55F, has the meaning given in section 50 (donations for the purposes of part iv) but does not apply to— (a) public funds within the meaning of section 55(2); (b) affiliation fees paid by a trade union to a registered party that comply with the conditions set out in subsection (3) below; (c) subscriptions paid by industrial and provident societies to a registered party; (d) donations between registered parties; (e) exempt trusts within the meaning of section 162(2); (f) bequests. (3) The conditions referred to in subsection 2(b) are that— (a) the amounts paid by the union’s members into the union’s political fund as their contribution to the union’s affiliation fee, and the money paid by that union to the registered party as its affiliation fee are the same; (b) the following information must be provided by the union on all of its membership application forms— (i) an explanation of what the political fund is and the union’s affiliation to a political party; (ii) an explanation of how much individual members contribute to the political fund and towards the union’s affiliation fee; (iii) an explanation of the trade union member’s right at any time to stop contributing to the political fund and the union’s affiliation fee and clear information about how they can do this; and (iv) an explanation of the fact that if a member stops contributing, their membership subscription will be reduced accordingly; and (c) the union informs its members annually of the amount they are contributing to the union’s affiliation fee and of their right to opt out of contributing to the political fund, including how they may do so. (4) A person who contravenes subsection (1) and who knew or ought reasonably to have known their donation exceeded the donations cap commits an offence. 55B Prohibition on accepting donations in excess of the cap (1) A relevant regulated entity must not accept a donation that, individually or in aggregate with other donations from that donor, exceeds the donations cap under section 55A. (2) A relevant person or unincorporated association that contravenes subsection (1) and who knew or ought reasonably to have known that the accepting a donation would exceed the donations cap under section 55A commits an offence. 55C Receipts for donations (1) A relevant regulated entity must, within the period of 30 days beginning with the relevant date, provide the donor with a receipt which states— (a) the name of the relevant regulated entity, and any unique identifier given to it by the Electoral Commission; (b) the amount of the donation received; (c) the amount of the donation accepted or returned; and (d) the date on which the donation was accepted or returned. (2) The relevant date for the purposes of subsection (1) is— (a) where the donation is accepted, the date of acceptance; or (b) where the donation is returned, the date of return. (3) When requested by a relevant regulated entity for the purpose of complying with section 56(1) (acceptance or return of donations: general), a donor must provide copies of all receipts received by them within that calendar year. (4) Donors and relevant regulated entities must retain copies of receipts issued or received under this section for a period of 5 years. (5) When requested by a relevant regulated entity for the purpose of complying with section 56(1) (acceptance or return of donations: general), the Electoral Commission must provide a unique identifier to the relevant regulated entity. 55D Declaration as to compliance with the donations cap (1) Where a person (P) causes an amount to be received by a relevant regulated entity by way of a donation, a written declaration must be given to the relevant regulated entity— (a) by P, if P is an individual, or (b) if not, by an individual authorised by P to make the declaration, stating, to the best of the individual's knowledge and belief, the donation does not exceed the donations cap under section 55A (cap on donations). (2) A declaration under this section must also state the full name and address of the person by whom it is made and, where subsection (1)(b) applies— (a) state that the person is authorised by P to make the declaration; (b) describe the person's role or position in relation to P; and (c) where relevant, that they have complied with the requirements of section 55F (verification by directors, members and persons of significant control of political donations by companies and limited liability partnerships). (3) A person who knowingly or recklessly makes a false declaration under this section commits an offence. (4) The Commission may by regulations prescribe a form of declaration which may be used for the purposes of this section, and other declarations donors are required to give to a relevant regulated entity by virtue of this Act. 55E Attribution of donations connected with companies and limited liability partnerships (1) For the purposes of section 55A (cap on donations)— (a) a donation made by a company or limited liability partnership is to be treated as made by each relevant person connected with that company or limited liability partnership, and (b) a donation made by a relevant person is to be treated as made by each company or limited liability partnership with which that person is connected. (2) For the purposes of this section, the relevant persons connected with a company are— (a) members of the company, (b) directors of the company, (c) shareholders of the company, and (d) persons with significant control over the company within the meaning of Part 21A of the Companies Act 2006. (3) For the purposes of this section, the relevant persons connected with a limited liability partnership are— (a) members of the limited liability partnership, and (b) persons with significant control over the limited liability partnership. (4) This section applies in addition to, and not in place of, any donation made by the relevant person in their own capacity. (5) This section does not apply to companies with voting shares admitted to trading on a UK regulated market or an EU regulated market within the meaning of section 1173 (minor definitions: general) of the Companies Act 2006. 55F Verification by directors, members and persons of signification control of political donations by companies and limited liability partnerships (1) A company or limited liability partnership must not make a donation until they have verified with their directors, members, shareholders and people with significant control that doing so would not exceed the donations cap. (2) In section 56(1) (acceptance or return of donations: general), leave out from “ascertain)” to the end of the subsection and insert— (a) the identity of the donor; (b) whether they are a permissible donor, and (if that appears to be the case) all such details in respect of him as are required by virtue of paragraph 2 or 2A of Schedule 6 to be given in respect of the donor of a recordable donation; (c) whether the donation exceeds the donations cap.” (3) In section 56(2), after "by virtue of section 54(1)" insert— “or section 55B” (4) After section 56(2) insert— 56 “(2A) Where subsection (2) applies and only part of a donation exceeds the donation cap, the party may retain the amount that does not exceed the donations cap.” (5) In section 61(1) (offences concerned with evasion of restrictions on donations), after "other than a permissible donor" insert— “, or which facilitates or is likely to facilitate a breach of section 55A (cap on donations)” (6) In section 160 (general interpretation)— (a) after "“organisation” includes any body corporate and any combination of persons or other unincorporated association;” insert— ““political fund” means a political fund maintained by a trade union under Part I of the Trade Union and Labour Relations (Consolidation) Act 1992;” (b) after "registered party" means a party registered under Part II of this Act;" insert— ““relevant regulated entity” means— (a) a registered party within the meaning of Part II of this Act; (b) a recognised third party within the meaning of Part VI of this Act; (c) a regulated donee within the meaning of Schedule 7 of this Act; (d) a candidate standing for a relevant election within the meaning of section 22(5) of this Act; (e) an unincorporated association making political contributions within the meaning of Schedule 19A. “relevant person” for the purposes of subsection 55B(2) means— (a) in the case of a political party, the Treasurer; (b) in the case of a recognised third party, the responsible person; (c) in the case of a regulated donee, that person; and (d) in the case of a candidate, that person.” (7) In paragraph 6 of schedule 6 (Donations from impermissible donors), after "section 54(1)(a)" insert— “" or section 55B".” (8) In Schedule 20, in Table after “Section 56(3) or (4) (failure to return donations) On summary conviction: statutory maximum or 6 months On indictment : fine or 1 year” insert— Section 55A(8) (cap on donations) On summary conviction: statutory maximum or 6 months On indictment : fine or 1 year Section 55B On summary conviction: statutory maximum or 6 months On indictment: fine or 1 year Section 55D(3) (declaration as to compliance with the donations cap) On summary conviction: statutory maximum or 6 months On indictment: fine or 1 year” The purpose of this new clause is to introduce a cap on the amount any individual or organisation can give to a political party, candidate, third party campaigner or regulated donee within a calendar year, together with related offences, through amendment to PPERA 2000. New clause 81—Removal of requirement to publish candidates’ addresses “(1) Schedule 1 of RPA 1983 is amended as follows. (2) In rule 6 (nomination of candidates) omit paragraphs (5) and (6). (3) In rule 14 (publication of statement of persons nominated)— “(a) In paragraph (2) for “addresses” substitute “a statement of— “(a) where the candidate’s home address is in the United Kingdom, the constituency or the relevant area within which that address is situated; (b) where the candidate’s home address is outside the United Kingdom, the country within which that address is situated;” (b) After paragraph (2) insert— “(2ZA) In paragraph (2)(a), “relevant area” means— “(a) in relation to a home address in England— (i) if the address is within a district for which there is a district council, that district; (ii) if the address is within a county in which there are no districts with councils, that county; (iii) if the address is within a London borough, that London borough; (iv) if the address is within the City of London (including the Inner and Middle Temples), the City of London; (v) if the address is within the Isles of Scilly, the Isles of Scilly; (b) in relation to a home address in Wales— (i) if the address is within a county, that county; (ii) if the address is within a county borough, that county borough; (c) in relation to a home address in Scotland, the local government area in which the address is situated; (d) in relation to a home address in Northern Ireland, the local government district in which the address is situated.”” (c) Omit paragraph (3A)” (4) In rule 14A (correction of minor errors) omit subparagraph (2)(c).” This new clause would remove the requirement for candidates’ addresses to be published, replacing it with a statement of the constituency, relevant area or country outside the UK in which they are resident. New clause 82—Liability for false statements as to candidates and undue influence on regulated user-to-user services— “(1) RPA 1983 is amended as follows. (2) Section 106 (false statements as to candidates) is amended as set out in subsections (3) to (5). (3) In subsection (1) after “makes” insert “hosts on a regulated user-to-user service”. (4) After subsection (7) insert— “(7A) It is a defence for a person charged under subsection (1) in connection with the hosting on a regulated user-to-user service if the person is alerted by a person to the presence of any activity on the regulated user-to-user service, or becomes aware of it in any other way, and removes such activity as soon as is reasonably practicable.” (5) After subsection (9) insert— “(10) For the purposes of this section a “regulated user-to-user service” has the meaning given in subsection 4(4) of the Online Safety Act 2023 (“regulated service”, “part 3 service” etc).” (6) Section 114A (undue influence) is amended as set out in subsection (7) to (8). (7) In subsection (5) after (c) insert— “(d) on a regulated user-to-user service operated by or on behalf of P” (8) After subsection (5) insert— “(5A) It is a defence for a person charged under subsection (1) in connection with an activity under subsection 5(d) if the person is alerted by a person to the presence of any such activity on the regulated user-to-user service, or becomes aware of it in any other way, and removes such activity as soon as is reasonably practicable. (5B) For the purposes of subsection (5) a “regulated user-to-user service” has the meaning given in subsection 4(4) of the Online Safety Act 2023 (“regulated service”, “part 3 service” etc).”” This new clause would enable operators of regulated user-to-user services, as defined in the Online Safety Act 2023, to be held liable for false statements relating to election candidates and activity amounting to undue influence in elections, if not swiftly removed from the service. New clause 83—Proposals for regulation of social media during specified elections— “(1) Within six months of the passing of this Act, the Secretary of State must publish proposals for the regulation of content relating to specified elections on regulated user-to-user services during election periods. (2) The specified elections for the purposes of subsection (1) are— (a) UK parliamentary elections, and (b) local government elections in England and Wales. (3) The election periods for the purpose of subsection (1) are— (a) in the case of a parliamentary election, the period between the issuance of a writ and the closure of polling, as set out in paragraph 1 (timetable) of schedule 1 of RPA 1983; or (b) in the case of a local election, the period between the publication of the notice of election and the closure of polling, as set out in schedules 2 (rules for conduct of an election of councillors of a principal area where poll is not taken together with poll at another election) and schedule 3 (rules for conduct of an election of councillors of a principal area where the poll is taken together with the poll at a relevant election or referendum) of the Local Elections (Principal Areas) (England and Wales) Rules 2006. (4) Proposals under subsection (1) must include measures to require regulated user-to-user services to— (a) have regard to fairness and public confidence in specified elections in relation to the publication and promotion of content on the service; and (b) remove content that is deliberately false or misleading relating to specified elections as quickly as is reasonably possible. (5) In preparing proposals under subsection (1), the Secretary of State must have regard to— (a) The operation of the Online Safety Act 2023 with regard to regulated user-to-user services; and (b) The operation of section 6 of the Ofcom Broadcasting Code as established by section 319 (OFCOM’s standards code) of the Communications Act 2003 (“the Broadcasting Code”). (6) In preparing proposals under subsection (1), the Secretary of State must consult— (a) the Electoral Commission, (b) Ofcom, (c) representatives of broadcasters subject to the Broadcasting Code, (d) representatives of operators of regulated user-to-user services; (e) representatives of registered political parties; and (f) such other persons as the Secretary of State considers appropriate. (7) The Secretary of State must lay the proposals before both Houses of Parliament. (8) For the purposes of this section a “regulated user-to-user service” has the meaning given in subsection 4(4) of the Online Safety Act 2023 (“regulated service”, “part 3 service” etc).” This new clause would require the Government to bring forward proposals for the regulation of election-related content of regulated user-to-user services, as defined in the Online Safety Act 2023, during parliamentary elections and local Government elections. New clause 84—Party descriptions in the form of instructions to voters— “After subparagraph (2)(g) of section 28A of PPERA 2000 (descriptions) insert— “(h) could be interpreted as an instruction to an elector on how to cast their vote.”” This new clause would prevent a candidate from registering a party description that could be interpreted as an instruction to an elector in how to cast their vote. New clause 85—Permissible donors not to include overseas voters— “At the end of subsection 54(2)(a) of PPERA (permissible donors) insert — “and who is not qualified to vote as an overseas elector under section 1 (extension of parliamentary franchise) of the RPA 1985” This new clause would prevent donations being received from overseas voters. New clause 86—Impermissible donations where donor’s income is not subject to UK tax liability— “(1) Part 4 of PPERA 2000 (control of donations to registered parties and their members etc) is amended as follows. (2) In section 54 (permissible donors), subsection (1)— (a) omit the “or” at the end of paragraph (aa) (both as inserted by section 9(1) of the Political Parties and Elections Act 2009 and as substituted by section 10(1) of that Act); (b) after that paragraph insert— “(ab) the person by whom the donation is to be made is using the Foreign Income and Gains regime to claim tax relief on— (i) income and gains arising from outside the UK; or (ii) UK income or gains deemed to be foreign under the qualifying asset holding company rules.”” This new clause would mean that donations could not be accepted by parties if a donor was using the Foreign Income and Gains regime to claim tax relief on foreign income. New clause 87—Randomised listing of names on ballot papers— “(1) Representation of the People (Ballot Paper) Regulations 2015 is amended as follows. (2) In Schedule 2, at end insert— “14 The order of candidate surnames on ballot papers where more than one candidate is to be elected must be listed using a randomised system rather than names being listed alphabetically.”” This new clause would require the order of names on ballot papers for UK Parliamentary elections to be determined and listed using a randomised system. New clause 88—Proposals for a Royal Commission on political donations and campaign expenditure— “(1) Within three months of the passing of this Act, the Secretary of State must publish proposals for the establishment of a Royal Commission to consider— (a) the merits of a cap on political donations, and the level at which such a cap should be set, and (b) the effectiveness of existing limits on campaign expenditure, including the appropriateness of the time period during which those limits apply. (2) Any proposals made under this section must specify that the Royal Commission should publish its recommendations for a cap on political donations within twelve months of being established. (3) Proposals published under this section must include proposals for the Royal Commission’s— (a) terms of reference, (b) membership, and (c) funding.” This new clause requires the Secretary of State to put forward proposals to establish a Royal Commission to consider and make recommendations for a cap on political donations, as well as the effectiveness of existing campaign expenditure limits. New clause 89—Compulsory voting— “(1) The Secretary of State must, within 6 months of section 17 (registration without an application) of this Act coming into force, publish and lay before both Houses of Parliament proposals for introducing compulsory duty to vote at UK parliamentary elections and local elections in England for individuals who are registered to vote. (2) Proposals published under this section relating to compulsory voting must include— (a) provision for electors to be able to mark an abstention, either through returning a spoilt or blank ballot; (b) provision for the failure to vote to be punishable through a penalty fine of £10. (c) provision for certain exemptions to be made for those who are prevented from participating in an election as a , including— (i) those with a physical or mental incapacity, illness, or disability, (ii) those who are absent from the UK, and (iii) those with a sincerely held conscientious or religious belief (d) provision for pilots of compulsory voting in connection with any pilots undertaken under Section 20 of this Act (power to pilot changes to the voter registration process).” This new clause would require the Secretary of State to bring forward proposals for compulsory voting, including piloting compulsory voting in connection with any pilots of changes to voter registration process. New clause 91—Declaration of notification requirements for registered sex offenders— “(1) Schedule 1 to RPA 1983 (parliamentary elections rules) is amended as follows. (2) After rule 8 (consent to nomination) insert— “(8A) Declaration of notification requirements for registered sex offenders (1) A person convicted and sentenced for a sexual offence or sexual offences under the Sexual Offences Act 2003 must declare whether they are required to comply with the sexual offences notification regime as part of the nomination process, otherwise that person is not validly nominated. (2) The declaration must be— (a) in the prescribed form, (b) signed by the person, and (c) delivered at the place and within the time for the delivery of nomination papers.”” This new clause would require sexual offenders who are subject to the notification requirements under the Sexual Offences Act 2003 to declare this requirement as part of the candidate nomination process. New clause 92—Permissible donors not to include overseas electors registered for periods exceeding five years— “(1) Section 54 of PPERA 2000 (permissible donors) is amended as follows. (2) After subsection (2) insert— “(2A) An individual who would otherwise fall within subsection (2)(a) is not a permissible donor if that individual— (a) is currently registered as an overseas elector; and (b) that registration as an overseas elector has been for a continuous period exceeding five years. (2B) For the purpose of this section, an “overseas elector” is a person who fulfils the requirements for an overseas elector in section 1 (extension of parliamentary franchise) of the RPA 1985”” This new clause would prevent overseas electors who have been registered as such for more than five years from being a permissible donor. New clause 93—Impermissible donations and donors— “(1) After section 54 of PPERA 2000, insert— “54A Impermissible donations: criminal property and proceeds of crime (1) A donation received by a registered party or regulated donee, must not be accepted by that recipient if— (a) without prejudice to Part 7 of the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002 (“the 2002 Act”), the party or regulated donee knows or ought reasonably to have known that the donation constitutes “criminal property” within the meaning of section 340 of the 2002 Act, or (b) the donation derives from money or other benefit where there is a reasonable suspicion that it comes from the proceeds of crime. (2) In paragraph 6(1) of Schedule 2A to the Representation of the People Act 1983, after sub-paragraph (b) insert— “(c) without prejudice to Part 7 of the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002 (“the 2002 Act”), the candidate or his election agent knows, or ought reasonably to have known that the donation constitutes “criminal property” within the meaning of section 340 of the 2002 Act.” (3) After subsection Section 54 (permissible donors) of PPERA 2000 insert— “(2A) A person who would otherwise fall under section 54(2) is not a permissible donor if their donation derives directly or indirectly from money or other benefit provided by a person who is resident outside the United Kingdom and not registered in an electoral register, and which was provided with a view to the making of the donation.” (4) In paragraph 6(1) of Schedule 2A to the Representation of the People Act 1983, after sub-paragraph (b) insert— “(c) the donation derives directly or indirectly from money or other benefit provided by a person who is resident outside the United Kingdom, and not registered in an electoral register, and which was provided with a view to the making of the donation.” (5) After section 54A of PPERA 2000 (declaration as to source of donation) insert— “54AA Declaration as to source of a donation or loan: criminal property and proceeds of crime (1) Where a person (P) causes an amount to be received by a registered party by way of a donation, a written declaration must be given to the party— (a) by P, if P is an individual, or (b) if not, by an individual authorised by P to make the declaration, stating that the donation or loan, to the best of the individual’s knowledge and belief, meets the criteria set out in subsection (2). (2) The criteria in this subsection are— (a) that the donation does not constitute “criminal property” within the meaning of section 340 of the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002, and (b) that the donation does not directly or indirectly derive from money or other benefit provided by a person who is resident outside the United Kingdom and not registered in an electoral register, and was provided with a view to the making of the donation. (3) A declaration under this section must also state the full name and address of the person by whom it is made and, where subsection (1)(b) applies— (a) state that the person is authorised by P to make the declaration; (b) describe the person's role or position in relation to P. (4) A person who knowingly or recklessly makes a false declaration under this section commits an offence subject to the same sanction as an offence under section 54A (declaration as to the source of a donation).” (6) After subsection 56(1) (acceptance or return of donations) of PPERA 2000, insert— “(1A) The duty in subsection (1) shall include a duty to take all reasonable steps to verify that— (a) the donation does not derive directly or indirectly from money or other benefit provided by a person who is resident outside the United Kingdom and not registered in an electoral register, and was provided with a view to the making of the donation or loan; and (b) without prejudice to Part 7 of the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002 (“the 2002 Act”), the donation does not constitute “criminal property” within the meaning of section 340 of the 2002 Act. (1B) The Secretary of State may, after consultation with the Electoral Commission, make regulations exercisable by statutory instrument providing what the duty in subsection (1), to take all reasonable steps, requires. (1C) Any regulations made under subsection (1B) may contain such incidental, supplemental, consequential and transitional provision as the Secretary of State considers appropriate and may make different provision for different cases. (1D) Regulations to which subsection (1B) applies are not to be made unless a draft of the regulations has been laid before Parliament and approved by a resolution of each House.””” This new clause prevents donations to parties and candidates where the donation derives from the proceeds of crime or is provided by a person who is not resident in the UK and is not registered on the electoral register, and creates related declarations and verification requirements. New clause 94—Government proposals to require declarations as to the source of a donation: money derived from cryptocurrency— “Within six months of the passing of this Act, the Secretary of State must publish and lay before both Houses of Parliament proposals to require— (a) any person who causes a donation, loan, or other regulated transaction to be received by a political party to make a declaration that they have not converted cryptocurrency into fiat currency for the purposes of avoiding the restrictions of section 55A (cryptoassets) of PPERA 2000; and (b) for any donation not accompanied by such a declaration to be returned to the donor.” This new clause is intended to require the Government to bring forward proposals to require people who donate to registered parties to declare that they have not converted money from cryptocurrency to fiat currency to avoid the restrictions. New clause 95—Acceptance of regulated transactions— “(1) PPERA 2000 is amended as follows. (2) After section 71G (valuation of regulated transactions) insert— “71GAA Conditions for being a party to a regulated transaction (1) A registered political party or other regulated donee must not be party to a regulated transaction if— (a) without prejudice to Part 7 of the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002 (“the 2002 Act”), the party or regulated donee knows or ought reasonably to have known that the financing of the regulated transaction is through the use of “criminal property” within the meaning of section 340 of the 2002 Act, or (b) the financing of the regulated transaction derives from money or other benefit where there is a reasonable suspicion that it comes from the proceeds of crime. (c) that the financing of the regulated transaction does not directly or indirectly derive from money or other benefit provided by a person who is resident outside the United Kingdom and not registered in an electoral register, and was provided with a view to providing finance for the transaction.” (3) After section 71HZA (declaration that residence etc condition is satisfied) insert— “71HZB Declaration regarding the source of finance for regulated transactions (1) A registered party or regulated donee must not be party to a regulated transaction unless they have received a written declaration from the other party to the transaction where that party is an individual stating that to the best of the individual’s knowledge and belief, that the transaction meets the criteria set out in subsection (2). (2) The criteria in this subsection are— (a) that the financing of the regulated transaction does not directly or indirectly derive from money or other benefit that constitutes "criminal property" within the meaning of section 340 of the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002, and (b) that the donation does not directly or indirectly derive from money or other benefit provided by a person who is resident outside the United Kingdom and not registered in an electoral register, and was provided with a view to the making of the donation. (3) A declaration under this section must also state the full name and address of the person by whom it is made. (4) A person who knowingly or recklessly makes a false declaration under this section commits an offence subject to the same sanction as an offence under section 54A (declaration as to the source of a donation).”” This new clause prevents loans being provided to registered parties and regulated donees where the financing of the transaction derives from the proceeds of crime or is provided by a person who is not resident in the UK and is not registered on the electoral register, and creates related declarations. New clause 96—Permissible electors to include overseas electors with previous tax residence etc— “(1) Section 54 of the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000 (permissible donors) is amended as follows. (2) In subsection (2)(a), at the end insert “(but this is subject to subsection (2ZA))”. (3) After subsection (2) insert— “(2ZA) An individual registered in an electoral register who at the date of a donation qualifies as an overseas elector in respect of a constituency is only a permissible donor for the purposes of this Part if— (a) the individual was at any time resident in the UK for tax purposes, (b) the individual has a Unique Taxpayer Reference, and (c) the individual holds, and has held for at least the past 12 months, sufficient funds that may be charged to tax in the United Kingdom that are at least equivalent to the value of the donation. (2ZB) For the purposes of subsection (2ZA)— (a) whether a person qualifies as an overseas elector is to be determined in accordance with section 1A of the Representation of the People Act 1985; (b) whether a person was at any time resident in the UK for tax purposes is to be determined in accordance with Schedule 45 to the Finance Act 2013.”” This new clause limits permissible donors who are overseas electors to those who have previously been resident in the UK for tax purposes, have a Unique Taxpayer Reference and holds funds that may be taxed in the UK which have a value of at least the amount to be donated. New clause 97—Power of Electoral Commission to require disclosure from financial institutions— “In Schedule 19B of the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000 (investigatory powers of Commission), after paragraph 1 insert— “Power to require disclosure from financial institutions 1A(1) The Commission may give a disclosure notice to a financial institution requiring the institution— (a) to produce, for inspection by the Commission or a person authorised by the Commission, any documents which— (i) relate to the income and expenditure of an organisation or individual to which paragraph 1 applies, and (ii) are reasonably required by the Commission for the purposes of carrying out their functions; or (b) to provide the Commission, or a person authorised by the Commission, with any information or explanation which relates to that income and expenditure and is reasonably required by the Commission for those purposes. (2) A financial institution to whom a disclosure notice is given shall comply with it within such reasonable time as is specified in the notice. (3) In this paragraph, “financial institution” has the same meaning as in Schedule 6 to the Terrorism Act 2000 (see paragraph 6 of that Schedule).”” This new clause gives the Electoral Commission the power to require information from a financial institution relating to the income and expenditure of political parties and associated individuals. New clause 98—Commencement of section 9(2) of the Political Parties and Elections Act 2009— “(1) By 1 July 2027, the Secretary of State must exercise the power in section 43(1) of the Political Parties and Elections Act 2009 to bring into force section 9(2) of that Act (declaration as to source of donation). (2) This section comes into force on the day on which this Act is passed (and section 80 is to be construed accordingly).” This new clause requires the Secretary of State to exercise the power to commence section 9(2) of the Political Parties and Elections Act 2009 which inserts section 54A into the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000, which requires declarations to be provided as to the source of donations. New clause 99—Offences relating to election expense returns: reduction in threshold— “(1) The Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000 is amended as follows. (2) In section 39 (false statements: offence), in subsection (1), for “knowingly or recklessly makes” substitute “knows or suspects, or has reasonable grounds for knowing or suspecting, that he is making”. (3) In section 44 (supplementary provisions about auditors), in subsection (4), for “knowingly or recklessly makes” substitute “knows or suspects, or has reasonable grounds for knowing or suspecting, that he is making”. (4) In section 54A (declaration as to source of donation), in subsection (5), for “knowingly or recklessly makes” substitute “knows or suspects, or has reasonable grounds for knowing or suspecting, that he is making”. (5) In section 54B (declaration as to whether residence etc condition satisfied), in subsection (3), for “knowingly or recklessly makes” substitute “knows or suspects, or has reasonable grounds for knowing or suspecting, that he is making”. (6) In section 66 (declaration by treasurer in donation report), in subsection (5), for “knowingly or recklessly makes” substitute “knows or suspects, or has reasonable grounds for knowing or suspecting, that he is making”. (7) In section 71T (declaration by treasurer in transaction report), in subsection (5), for “knowingly or recklessly makes” substitute “knows or suspects, or has reasonable grounds for knowing or suspecting, that he is making”. (8) In section 73 (notional campaign expenditure), in subsection (8), for “knowingly or recklessly makes” substitute “knows or suspects, or has reasonable grounds for knowing or suspecting, that he is making”. (9) In section 83 (declaration by treasurer as to return relating to campaign expenditure), in subsection (3)(a), for “knowingly or recklessly makes” substitute “knows or suspects, or has reasonable grounds for knowing or suspecting, that he is making”. (10) In section 86 (notional controlled expenditure), in subsection (8), for “knowingly or recklessly makes” substitute “knows or suspects, or has reasonable grounds for knowing or suspecting, that he is making”. (11) In section 94F (authorised expenditure in excess of targeted expenditure limit), in subsection (6), for “knowingly or recklessly makes” substitute “knows or suspects, or has reasonable grounds for knowing or suspecting, that he is making”. (12) In section 95C (related offences), in subsection (2), for “knowingly or recklessly makes” substitute “knows or suspects, or has reasonable grounds for knowing or suspecting, that he is making”. (13) In section 99 (declaration by responsible person as to return as to controlled expenditure), in subsection (4)(a), for “knowingly or recklessly makes” substitute “knows or suspects, or has reasonable grounds for knowing or suspecting, that he is making”. (14) In section 99A (declaration by responsible person as to statement of accounts), in subsection (3)(a), for “knowingly or recklessly makes” substitute “knows or suspects, or has reasonable grounds for knowing or suspecting, that he is making”. (15) In section 112 (notional referendum expenses), in subsection (8), for “knowingly or recklessly makes” substitute “knows or suspects, or has reasonable grounds for knowing or suspecting, that he is making”. (16) In section 123 (declaration of responsible person as to return relating to referendum expenditure), in subsection (4)(a), for “knowingly or recklessly makes” substitute “knows or suspects, or has reasonable grounds for knowing or suspecting, that he is making”. (17) In Schedule 7 (control of donations to individuals and members associations)— (a) In paragraph 6A(5), for “knowingly or recklessly makes” substitute “knows or suspects, or has reasonable grounds for knowing or suspecting, that he is making”; (b) In paragraph 6B(3), for “knowingly or recklessly makes” substitute “knows or suspects, or has reasonable grounds for knowing or suspecting, that he is making”; (c) In paragraph 13(4), for “knowingly or recklessly makes” substitute “knows or suspects, or has reasonable grounds for knowing or suspecting, that he is making”. (18) In Schedule 7A (control of loans etc to individuals and members associations, in paragraph 13(4), for “knowingly or recklessly makes” substitute “knows or suspects, or has reasonable grounds for knowing or suspecting, that he is making”. (19) In Schedule 19A (reports of gifts received by unincorporated associations making political contributions), in paragraph 6(3), for “knowingly or recklessly makes” substitute “knows or suspects, or has reasonable grounds for knowing or suspecting, that he is making”. (20) In Schedule 19B (investigatory powers of Commission), in paragraph 13(3), for “knowingly or recklessly makes” substitute “knows or suspects, or has reasonable grounds for knowing or suspecting, that he is making”.” This new clause reduces the threshold for certain offences in the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000 so that where false statements or declarations are made in relation to election expenses, an offence is committed if the person has reasonable grounds for knowing or suspecting that they are doing so. New clause 100—Declaration as to source of donation: reduction in amount— “In section 54A of the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000 (declaration as to source of donation)— (a) in subsection (1), for “£7,500” substitute “the specified amount”; (b) in subsection (2)(B), for “£7,500” substitute “the specified amount”; (c) after subsection (2), insert— “(2A) In this section, the specified amount is— (a) where subsection (2) applies and, to the best of the knowledge or belief of the individual giving the written declaration under subsection (1), the person other than P is not a permissible donor, £500; (b) in all other circumstances, £7,500.”” This new clause would require any donation above £500 to be accompanied by a declaration as to its source (rather than the current minimum of £7,500) if the source is not a permissible donor. New clause 101—Penalties for false declarations— “(1) Schedule 20 to the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000 (penalties) is amended as follows. (2) In the entry for section 54A(5) (making a false declaration as to source of donation), in the second column, for “1 year” substitute “3 years”. (3) In the entry for section 83(3)(a) (making a false declaration to Commission when delivering return), in the second column, for “1 year” substitute “3 years”. (4) In the entry for section 123(4)(a) (making a false declaration to Commission when delivering return), in the second column, for “1 year” substitute “3 years”.” This new clause raises the maximum penalties for submitting false declarations from 1 year’s imprisonment upon conviction on indictment to 3 years’ imprisonment upon conviction on indictment. New clause 102—Annual report regarding foreign interference in political funding— “(1) The Electoral Commission and the National Police Service (once established) must each produce and publish an annual report about— (a) the risk of foreign interference in relation to controlled donations, and (b) the adequacy of any systems designed to address risks of foreign interference in relation to controlled donations. (2) The Electoral Commission and the National Police Service (once established) must send a copy of the report to the Secretary of State, and the Secretary of State must lay it before Parliament. (3) In this section— “controlled donation” means— (a) a donation to a registered party, individual or members association that is subject to Part 4 of the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000, and (b) a donation to a candidate or their agent that is subject to Schedule 2A of the Representation of the People Act 1983; “foreign interference” includes the commission of a relevant electoral offence to which section 16 of the National Security Act 2023 applies (foreign interference in elections).” This new clause would require the Electoral Commission and the National Police Service (once established) to make annual reports about the risks of foreign interference in the UK’s political finance system and the adequacy of systems in place to address those risks. New clause 103—Controls on accepting donations in form of cryptoassets— “(1) The Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act 2000 is amended in accordance with subsections (2) and (3). (2) After section 54 (permissible donors to registered parties) insert— “54A Controls on accepting donations in form of cryptoassets (1) A donation received by a registered party by way of a transfer of cryptoassets to the party must not be accepted by the party unless the donation meets requirements specified in regulations made by the Commission. (2) For the purposes of this section, section 52(2)(a) (minimum donation to be disregarded) does not apply. (3) Regulations made by the Commission may include requirements relating to— (a) the identity of the holder of the cryptoassets donated to the registered party; (b) the nationality and country of residence of the holder of the cryptoassets donated to the registered party; (c) the value of a donation that is to be disregarded for the purposes of this section; (d) the maximum value of the cryptoassets that may be donated to a registered party; (e) the original source of the funds that were transferred into the cryptoassets donated to the registered party; (f) any other matter that the Commission considers appropriate for the purpose of improving the transparency of donations made by way of a transfer of cryptoassets. (4) In this section, “cryptoasset” means a cryptographically secured digital representation of value or contractual rights that uses a form of distributed ledger technology and can be transferred, stored or traded electronically. (5) The Secretary of State may by regulations made by statutory instrument amend the definition of "cryptoasset" in subsection (4). (6) A statutory instrument containing regulations under subsection (5) may not be made unless a draft of the instrument has been laid before and approved by a resolution of each House of Parliament.” (3) In Schedule 7 (controls on donations to individuals and members associations), after paragraph 6 insert— “Controls on accepting donations in form of cryptoassets 6ZA (1) A controlled donation received by a regulated donee by way of a transfer of cryptoassets to the donee must not be accepted by the donee unless the donation meets requirements specified in regulations made by the Commission. (2) For the purposes of this paragraph, paragraph 4(3)(b) (minimum donation to be disregarded) does not apply. (3) Regulations made by the Commission may include requirements relating to— (a) the identity of the holder of the cryptoassets donated to the regulated donee; (b) the nationality and country of residence of the holder of the cryptoassets donated to the regulated donee; (c) the value of a donation that is to be disregarded for the purposes of this paragraph; (d) the maximum value of the cryptoassets that may be donated to a regulated donee; (e) the original source of the funds that were transferred into the cryptoassets donated to the regulated donee; (f) any other matter that the Commission considers appropriate for the purpose of improving the transparency of donations made by way of a transfer of cryptoassets. (4) In this paragraph, “cryptoasset” means a cryptographically secured digital representation of value or contractual rights that uses a form of distributed ledger technology and can be transferred, stored or traded electronically. (5) The Secretary of State may by regulations made by statutory instrument amend the definition of "cryptoasset" in subsection (4). (6) A statutory instrument containing regulations under sub-paragraph (5) may not be made unless a draft of the instrument has been laid before and approved by a resolution of each House of Parliament.” (4) In the Representation of the People Act 1983 in Schedule 2A (controls on donations to candidates), after paragraph 6 insert— “Controls on accepting donations in form of cryptoassets 6A (1) A relevant donation received by a candidate or his election agent by way of a transfer of cryptoassets must not be accepted unless the donation meets requirements specified in regulations made by the Commission. (2) For the purposes of this paragraph, paragraph 4(2) (minimum donation to be disregarded) does not apply. (3) Regulations made by the Commission may include requirements relating to— (a) the identity of the holder of the cryptoassets donated to the candidate or agent; (b) the nationality and country of residence of the holder of the cryptoassets donated to the candidate or agent; (c) the value of a donation that is to be disregarded for the purposes of this paragraph; (d) the maximum value of the cryptoassets that may be donated to a candidate or agent; (e) the original source of the funds that were transferred into the cryptoassets donated to the candidate or agent (including information relating to any transactions between the original source of the funds and the transfer of those funds into the cryptoassets); (f) any other matter that the Commission considers appropriate for the purpose of improving the transparency of donations made by way of a transfer of cryptoassets. (4) In this section, “cryptoasset” means a cryptographically secured digital representation of value or contractual rights that uses a form of distributed ledger technology and can be transferred, stored or traded electronically. (5) The Secretary of State may by regulations made by statutory instrument amend the definition of "cryptoasset" in subsection (4). (6) A statutory instrument containing regulations under sub-paragraph (5) may not be made unless a draft of the instrument has been laid before and approved by a resolution of each House of Parliament.” (5) This section comes into force on the day on which this Act is passed (and section 80 is to be construed accordingly).” This new clause introduces controls on donations made by way of transfers of cryptoassets to registered political parties, regulated individuals and associations linked to political parties, electoral candidates and their agents. The new clause prevents such donations from being accepted unless the donation or transfer complies with requirements set out in regulations made by the Electoral Commission. This will operate to prohibit such donations until such time as the Commission has made such regulations in order to control cryptoasset donations. New clause 104—Electoral Commission: Education of young people about electoral information— “(1) PPERA 2000 is amended as set out in subsection (2). (2) After Section (13A) insert— “13ZA Education of young people about electoral information and media literacy. (1) The Commission shall promote awareness among people under the current age of registration to vote of— (a) access to independent and impartial information relating to elections; (b) media literacy, as set out in section 11(1) (duties to promote media literacy) of the Communications Act 2003; and; (c) disinformation and misinformation relating to elections, including information generated using artificial intelligence. (2) The Commission shall perform their functions under subsection (1) in such manner as they think fit but may, in particular, do so by carrying out programmes of education or information to promote awareness of any of the matters mentioned in subsection (1).”” This new clause would require the Electoral Commission to promote access to information relating to elections and media literacy to young people to support the recognition of partisan information and mis- and disinformation, including content generated by AI. New clause 105—False statements as to candidates: deepfakes— “In section 106 (false statements as to candidates) of the RPA 1983, after subsection (1) insert— “(1A) For the purposes of subsection (1), making or publishing any electronic communication, including moving images and images incorporating text, that has been generated using artificial intelligence deepfake technology which includes an impersonation of a candidate that depicts the candidate saying or doing something that did not occur commits an offence unless the conditions in subsection (1B) are met. (1B) The conditions in this subsection are— (a) any reasonable person would recognise the content of the communication as, parody, caricature or artistic expression; or, (b) the communication is clearly and prominently identified as fictional, altered or artificially generated.”” This new clause would mean that publishing or making AI generated deep fakes is included in the meaning of “making or publishing any false statement of fact in relation to the candidate” for the purpose of the offence of making a false statement as to a candidate. New clause 106—Removal of right to vote from Commonwealth citizens— “(1) RPA 1983 is amended as set out in subsections (2) to (4). (2) In section 1 (parliamentary electors), in subsection (1)(c) for “Commonwealth” substitute “British”. (3) In section 2 (local government electors) for subsection (1)(c) substitute— “(c) is a British citizen or a citizen of the Republic of Ireland; and” (4) In section 4 (entitlement to be registered as parliamentary or local government electors) (a) in subsection (1)(c) for “Commonwealth” substitute “British”, (b) for subsection (3)(c) substitute— “is a British citizen or a citizen of the Republic of Ireland”, (c) in subsection (6) omit the words from “Commonwealth” to “such leave”.” This new clause would remove the right of Commonwealth citizens who are not British citizens to vote in parliamentary elections and in local government elections in England and Wales. New clause 108—Limitations on postal voting— “(1) The Elections Act 2022 is amended as set out in subsection (2). (2) After section 2 (power to make regulations about registration, absent voting and other matters) insert— “2A Postal voting entitlement restricted to serving members of the armed forces and those unable to vote in person (1) Notwithstanding any other provision of this Act, no person is entitled to vote by post at a parliamentary or local government election unless the person is a serving member of the armed forces of the Crown or unable to vote in person. (2) For the purposes of this section, a “serving member of the armed forces of the Crown” means a person who— (a) is a member of the regular forces or the reserve forces (within the meaning given by section 59(1) of this Act), and (b) is serving with the armed forces on the date of the poll. (3) The Secretary of State may by regulations prescribe the form of declaration or evidence required to establish entitlement under this section. (4) The Secretary of State must by regulations prescribe the categories of persons who are unable to vote in person.”” This new clause would limit postal voting to serving members of the armed forces and other persons who are unable to vote in person. New clause 109—Protection against controlling and coercive in-person voting— “(1) Section 62C of RPA 1983 (influencing voters at polling booths) is amended as set out in subsection (2). (2) After subsection (5) insert— “(6) The presiding officer or a representative of the presiding officer may require that persons, who appear to have arrived at the polling station together, or who are otherwise associating with each other, enter the polling station and cast their votes one at a time in order to ensure that there is no undue influence. (7) The presiding officer or a representative of the presiding officer may speak to any voter to determine, in general terms, the voter’s ability to understand— (a) the voting process; and (b) the English or Welsh language. (8) If the presiding officer or representative has concerns over the voter’s ability to understand either matter referred to in subsection (7), the presiding officer shall— (a) place the ballot paper aside, mark it as belonging to the voter, and it shall not be counted; and (b) inform the voter that the vote has been set aside and of the right of appeal under subsection (9). (9) The person whose vote has been set aside under subsection (8) may appeal to the magistrates’ court (or, in Scotland, the sheriff court) for an order that the vote be counted, and such an appeal must be made no later than 48 hours after the close of the poll and the court shall list the matter within 48 hours. (10) A person who does not comply with the requirement of a presiding officer or representative under subsection (6) is guilty of an offence under this section and is liable on summary conviction to a fine not exceeding level 5 on the standard scale or to imprisonment for a term not exceeding 6 months (or both).”” This new clause would allow presiding officers or their representatives to require voters to vote separately and to set aside votes from voters where there are concerns about their ability to understand the voting process or language. New clause 110—Election expenses for parliamentary by-elections— “(1) RPA 1983 is amended as set out in subsection (2). (2) In section 90ZA (meaning of “election expenses”)— (a) In subsection (4), after “expenses” insert “other than for a parliamentary by-election” (b) After subsection (4), insert— “(4A) For the purposes of this Part of this Act, election expenses in connection with a parliamentary by-election are incurred by or on behalf of a candidate at an election if they are incurred— (a) by the candidate or his election agent, (b) by any person authorised by the candidate or his election agent to incur expenses, or (c) by a registered political party in the name of which the candidate has been nominated, for the purposes set out in subsection (4B) (4B) The conditions in this subsection are that they relate to— (a) a candidate; (b) the constituency in which the election is taking place; or (c) the by-election; and are intended to influence electors in the constituency in which the election is taking place.”” This new clause would ensure that national party expenditure directed at promoting a candidate or campaign in a parliamentary by-election counts towards the candidate's spending limit, preventing national party campaign activity from circumventing constituency campaign spending limits. New clause 111—Cap on donations of more than £5,000 a year from a single individual to parties and candidates— “(1) After section 56 (acceptance or return of donations: general) of PPERA 2000 insert— “56A Cap on donations (1) A registered party must not accept a donation or gift from an individual registered in an electoral register if the value of donations and gifts from that person during the course of the year to any one recipient exceeds £5,000. (2) Where a donation is received which would cause the limit for the purposes of subsection (1) to be exceeded is to be treated for the purposes of this Act as a donation received from a person who is not a permissible donor. (3) In paragraph 6(1) of Schedule 2A to the Representation of the People Act 1983, after subparagraph (b) insert— (a) the person by whom the donation would be made would have made a donation or donations to the candidate or his election agent over the course of the year which exceed £5,000 unless the donation is made by the candidate to themselves.”” This new clause will prevent donations in one calendar year from a single donor to a single candidate or individual party that exceed a total of £5,000. New clause 112—Ban on donations from companies— “(1) In section 54 (permissible donors) of PPERA 2000, omit subsection (2)(b). (2) The Secretary of State must, by regulation, make further provision to prevent regulated donees from accepting donations from companies. (3) Before making any regulations under this section, the Secretary of State must consult— (a) registered political parties, (b) the Electoral Commission, and (c) any other persons who the Secretary of State thinks necessary. (4) Any regulations made under this section must be made under the affirmative procedure.” This new clause prevents companies from donating to political parties, and requires the Government to bring forward regulations to prevent companies from donating to other regulated donees. New clause 118—Education about electoral and democratic systems in schools— (1) Section 13 of PPERA 2000 (education about electoral and democratic systems) is amended as follows. (2) After subsection (1) insert— “(1B) The Commission shall carry out programmes of education to promote awareness of children aged 13 and over of current electoral systems in the United Kingdom and any pending such systems. (1C) Programmes under subsection (1B) must include— (a) information to enable them to register and vote as soon as they become eligible to do so; (b) media literacy, as set out in section 11(1) (duties to promote media literacy) of the Communications Act 2003; (c) political confidence and electoral participation among disadvantaged groups, including— (i) girls and young women; (ii) people from lower socio-economic backgrounds, (iii) ethnic minority groups, (iv) disabled people; and (v) any other groups facing barriers to political and electoral participation identified by the Commission; (d) such matters connected with any such existing or pending systems as the Commission may determine. (1D) The Commission shall carry out programmes of teacher training and continuing professional development for the purposes of providing programmes under subsection (1B).” (3) For subsection (2) substitute— “(2) For the purposes of subsection (1)(a) and (1B), a system is “pending” when arrangements for giving effect to it have been made by any enactment but the arrangements are not yet in force.”” This new clause would require the Electoral Commission to carry out education programmes for young people ahead of being eligible to vote, and training for educators on providing such information. New clause 119—Election material only in languages native to the British Isles— “(1) RPA 1983 is amended as set out in subsection (2). (2) After section 110 (details to appear on election publications) insert— “110ZA Election publications to be in languages native to the British Isles only (1) A person shall not print or publish, or cause to be printed or published, any bill, placard, poster or printed document to which section 110(1) of this Act applies unless the material is in English, Welsh, a language native to the British Isles or accessible communication formats. (2) A person who commits an offence under this section is liable on summary conviction— (a) in England and Wales, to imprisonment for a term not exceeding 6 months, to a fine or to both; (b) in Scotland or Northern Ireland, to imprisonment for a term not exceeding 6 months, to a fine not exceeding level 5 on the standard scale or to both. (3) In the case of a candidate or election agent, a contravention of subsection (1) is an illegal practice. (4) For the purposes of subsection (1)— “accessible communications format” means a format which enables a person with a disability to access the information concerned as feasibly and comfortably as a person who does not have that disability, “language native to the British Isles” means a language specified by the Secretary of State in regulations. (5) Regulations under subsection (4) are subject to the affirmative resolution procedure.” (3) PPERA 2000 is amended as set out in subsection (4) below. (4) After section 143 (details to appear on election material) insert— “143ZA Election material to be in languages native to the British Isles only (1) No election material shall be published unless the material is in English, Welsh, a language native to the British Isles or accessible communication formats. (2) A person who contravenes subsection (1) commits an offence. (3) A person who commits an offence under this section is liable on summary conviction— (a) in England and Wales, to imprisonment for a term not exceeding 6 months, to a fine or to both; (b) in Scotland or Northern Ireland, to imprisonment for a term not exceeding 6 months, to a fine not exceeding level 5 on the standard scale or to both. (4) In the case of a registered party or its officers, a contravention of subsection (1) is an illegal practice. (5) In this section— “election material” has the meaning given by section 143ZA(1) of this Act), “accessible communications format” means a format which enables a person with a disability to access the information concerned as feasibly and comfortably as a person who does not have that disability, “language native to the British Isles” means a language specified by the Secretary of State in regulations. (6) Regulations under subsection (5) are subject to the affirmative resolution procedure.”” This new clause would require election material to be published only in English, Welsh, languages native to the British Isles or accessible communication formats such as Braille or BSL. New clause 120—Donation cap on UK-based donors— “(1) PPERA 2000 is amended as set out in subsection (2). (2) After section 56 (acceptance of return of donations: general) insert— “56A Cap on donations (1) A registered party, recognised third party, regulated donee, or permitted participant must not accept a donation or gift from a person if the value of donations and gifts from that person, during the course of that calendar year exceeds the limit set out in subsection (5). (2) Where a donation is received which would cause the limit for the purposes of subsection (1) to be exceeded, the amount by which the limit is exceeded is to be treated for the purposes of this Act as a donation received from a person who is not a permissible donor. (3) Subsection (1) does not apply to donations between registered parties or where the source of funds for the donation are— (a) public funds within the meaning of section 55(2); (b) exempt trusts within the meaning of section 162(2); (c) a trade union’s political funds, subject to the conditions set out in subsection (4); (d) subscriptions paid by registered societies under the Co-operative and Community Benefit Societies Act 2014 to a registered party; or (e) bequests. (4) The conditions for the purposes of subsection (3)(c) are— (a) that the total amount contributed by members of a union to its political fund during a calendar year is no less than the total donations made by that union during the same year; and (b) that the trade union is taking all reasonable steps to comply with Chapter VI of the Trade Union and Labour Relations (Consolidation) Act 1992. (5) The limit for the purposes of subsection (1) is— (a) for the calendar year in which this Act is passed, £500,000; (b) for the calendar year following the passage of this Act, £100,000; and (c) for the second and each subsequent calendar year following the passage of this Act, an amount specified by regulations made under subsection (6). (6) The Secretary of State must by regulations specify a limit for the purposes of subsection (5)(c) within two years of the passage of this Act. (7) The Secretary of State may by regulations vary the limit for the purposes of subsection (5)(a) and (5)(b). (8) Regulations under subsection (6) or (7) must provide a limit for the purposes of subsection (1) at an amount the Secretary of State considers appropriate which does not exceed £500,000. (9) In considering the level of the limit for the purposes of subsection (8) the Secretary of State must commission and have regard to advice from the Electoral Commission. (10) Regulations under subsection (6) and (7) may provide for— (a) requirements to make declarations, reports, and to create and keep records and receipts; (b) anti-evasion provisions, including the aggregation of donations made by individuals connected to unincorporated associations and legal entities also making donations; and (c) the amendment, repeal or revocation of any enactment, including provisions within this Act and other electoral legislation, where the Secretary of State considers it necessary for the purposes of this section. (11) A statutory instrument containing regulations under this section may not be made unless a draft of the instrument has been laid before and approved by a resolution of each House of Parliament.”” This new clause would ensure an immediate donations cap of £500,000, decreasing to £100,000 in the second calendar year, and requiring the Secretary of State during this time to set an appropriate permanent donations cap by regulations. New clause 121—Requirement for Electoral Commission recommendation to vary specified sums or percentages— “(1) Section 155 of PPERA 2000 (Power to vary specified sums or percentages) is amended as follows. (2) After subsection (1A) insert— “(1B) The Secretary of State may make an order under subsection (1) only if the order gives effect to a recommendation made by the Electoral Commission. (1C) The Electoral Commission must make a recommendation for the purposes of subsection (1B) at least once every five years. (1D) In making a recommendation under subsection (1C), the Electoral Commission must have regard to— (a) the fairness of elections, (b) the effect on political parties, and (c) public confidence in the integrity of elections.” (3) Omit subsections (2) to (4).” This new clause would require changes to specified sums or percentages specified in PPERA 2000 to be based on a recommendation of the Electoral Commission, which would be required to review those amounts at least once every five years. New clause 122—Equality impact assessment prior to extending the franchise to younger voters in the UK— “(1) Within six months of the passage of this Act, the Secretary of State must carry out an equality impact assessment of the proposed extension of the franchise in Northern Ireland compared with Great Britain. (2) The Secretary of State must within nine months lay before both Houses of Parliament— (a) the equality impact assessment required by subsection (1); and (b) a report setting out the Government’s formal response to the equality impact assessment. (3) The Secretary of State may not bring Part 1 of this Act into force until the report specified in subsection (2)(b) has been laid before both Houses of Parliament.” This new clause is connected to Amendment 152 and facilitates a debate on the equality impact of the proposed General Election franchise change on young people in Northern Ireland compared with the rest of the UK. Amendment 6, in clause 1, page 1, line 7, leave out “16” and insert “the age at which a person may be sold alcohol under section 146(1) (sale of alcohol to children) of the Licensing Act 2003”. This amendment would link the age at which a person is eligible to vote as an elector at a parliamentary election to the age at which an offence is not committed by selling them alcohol. Amendment 49, in clause 1, page 1, line 7, leave out “16” and insert “the age at which a person may enter into a marriage under section 2 (marriages of persons under eighteen) of the Marriage Act 1949”. This amendment would link the age at which a person is eligible to vote as an elector at a parliamentary election to the age at which they may enter into a marriage. Amendment 56, in clause 1, page 1, line 7, leave out “16” and insert “full age as set out in section 1 (reduction of age of majority from 21 to 18) of the Family Law Reform Act 1969”. This amendment would link the age at which a person is eligible to vote as an elector at a parliamentary election to the age at which they attain the age of majority, including for the purposes of obtaining a mortgage or owning property. Amendment 7, in clause 1, page 1, line 9, leave out “16 years” and insert “the age at which a person may be sold alcohol under section 146(1) (sale of alcohol to children) of the Licensing Act 2003”. This amendment is consequential on Amendment 6. Amendment 50, in clause 1, page 1, line 9, leave out “16 years” and insert “the age at which a person may enter into a marriage under section 2 (marriages of persons under eighteen) of the Marriage Act 1949”. This amendment is consequential on Amendment 49. Amendment 57, in clause 1, page 1, line 9, leave out “16 years” and insert “full age as set out in section 1 (reduction of age of majority from 21 to 18) of the Family Law Reform Act 1969”. This amendment is consequential on Amendment 56. Amendment 8, in clause 1, page 2, line 1, leave out subsections (a) and (b) and insert— “(a) in paragraph 2 for “of 18 years”, in both places it occurs, substitute “at which a person may be sold alcohol under section 146(1) (sale of alcohol to children) of the Licensing Act 2003”; (b) in paragraph (3) for “of 18 years” substitute “at which a person may be sold alcohol under section 146(1) (sale of alcohol to children) of the Licensing Act 2003””. This amendment is consequential on Amendment 6. Amendment 51, in clause 1, page 2, line 1, leave out subsections (a) and (b) and insert— “(a) in paragraph 2 for “of 18 years”, in both places it occurs, substitute “at which a person may enter into a marriage under section 2 (marriages of persons under eighteen) of the Marriage Act 1949” (b) in paragraph 3 for “of 18 years” substitute “at which a person may enter into a marriage under section 2 (marriages of persons under eighteen) of the Marriage Act 1949””. This amendment is consequential on Amendment 49. Amendment 58, in clause 1, page 2, line 1, leave out subsections (a) and (b) and insert— “(a) in paragraph 2 for “the age of 18 years”, in both places it occurs, substitute “full age as set out in section 1 (reduction of age of majority from 21 to 18) of the Family Law Reform Act 1969” (b) in paragraph (3) for “the age of 18 years” substitute “full age as set out in section 1 (reduction of age of majority from 21 to 18) of the Family Law Reform Act 1969””. This amendment is consequential on Amendment 56. Amendment 9, in clause 1, page 2, line 5, leave out subsections (a) and (b) and insert— “(a) in subsection (1)(d), for “of eighteen” substitute “at which a person may be sold alcohol under section 146(1) (sale of alcohol to children) of the Licensing Act 2003”; (b) in subsection (4), for “of eighteen years” substitute “at which a person may be sold alcohol under section 146(1) (sale of alcohol to children) of the Licensing Act 2003””. This amendment is consequential on Amendment 6. Amendment 52, in clause 1, page 2, line 5, leave out subsections (a) and (b) and insert— “(a) in subsection (1)(d), for “of eighteen” substitute “at which a person may enter into a marriage under section 2 (marriages of persons under eighteen) of the Marriage Act 1949” (b) in subsection (4), for “of eighteen years” substitute “at which a person may enter into a marriage under section 2 (marriages of persons under eighteen) of the Marriage Act 1949””. This amendment is consequential on Amendment 49. Amendment 59, in clause 1, page 2, line 5, leave out subsections (a) and (b) and insert— “(a) in subsection (1)(d), for “eighteen” substitute “full age as set out in section 1 (reduction of age of majority from 21 to 18) of the Family Law Reform Act 1969” (b) in subsection (4), for “of eighteen years” substitute “full age as set out in section 1 (reduction of age of majority from 21 to 18) of the Family Law Reform Act 1969””. This amendment is consequential on Amendment 56. Amendment 10, in clause 1, page 2, line 9, leave out “for ‘18’ substitute ‘16’” and insert “for ‘of 18’ substitute ‘at which a person may be sold alcohol under section 146(1) (sale of alcohol to children) of the Licensing Act 2003’”. This amendment is consequential on Amendment 6. Amendment 53, in clause 1, page 2, line 9, leave out “for ‘18’ substitute ‘16’” and insert “for ‘of 18’ substitute ‘at which a person may enter into a marriage under section 2 (marriages of persons under eighteen) of the Marriage Act 1949’”. This amendment is consequential on Amendment 49. Amendment 60, in clause 1, page 2, line 9, leave out “for ’18’ substitute ‘16’” and insert “for ‘the age of 18’ substitute ‘full age as set out in section 1 (reduction of age of majority from 21 to 18) of the Family Law Reform Act 1969’”. This amendment is consequential on Amendment 56. Amendment 11, in clause 1, page 2, line 11, leave out from “for” to end and insert “‘aged 18 or over, or the date of his or her 18th birthday is’ substitute ‘the age at which they may be sold alcohol under section 146(1) (sale of alcohol to children) of the Licensing Act 2003, or over, or shall reach that age’”. This amendment is consequential on Amendment 6. Amendment 54, in clause 1, page 2, line 11, leave out from “for” to end and insert “‘aged 18 or over, or the date of his or her 18th birthday is’ substitute ‘the age at which they may enter into a marriage under section 2 (marriages of persons under eighteen) of the Marriage Act 1949, or over, or shall reach that age’”. This amendment is consequential on Amendment 49. Amendment 61, in clause 1, page 2, line 11, leave out from “for” to end and insert “‘aged 18 or over, or the date of his or her 18th birthday is’ substitute ‘full age as set out in section 1 (reduction of age of majority from 21 to 18) of the Family Law Reform Act 1969, or over, or shall reach that age’”. This amendment is consequential on Amendment 56. Government amendments 138 and 139. Amendment 29, in clause 17, page 23, line 23, at end insert— “(1A) A registration officer must register a person who is not, for the purposes of section 4 (entitlement to be registered as parliamentary or local government elector) of this Act, resident at any address in the United Kingdom, in a relevant register maintained by the officer if— (a) the officer is aware of the person’s name and date of birth, (b) the officer is aware that the person is a homeless person, (c) the officer is aware of a local connection as set out in section (7B) (notional residence: declarations of local connection) of this Act, (d) the person is not registered in the register, (e) the person appears to the officer to be of voting age and entitled to be registered in the register, (f) the officer has given the person a notice in accordance with section 12B (1) in relation to the register,and (g) either (or both) of the following applies— (i) the response period specified in the notice (in accordance with section 12B(3)(d)) has ended; (ii) during that period, the person confirmed to the officer that the person wishes to be registered in the register under this section.” This amendment would create a duty on registration officers to automatically register people who are homeless and are otherwise eligible to be registered. Government amendments 140 and 141. Amendment 13, page 44, line 26, leave out clause 35. Amendment 4, in clause 41, page 50, line 16, at end insert— “(3A) After rule 6 insert— “Enhanced disclosure and barring service check declaration 6AA (1) A person is not validly nominated unless the person makes a declaration that they assent to undertake an enhanced DBS check and obtain an enhanced DBS certificate if elected. (2) The Secretary of State may make regulations which make necessary provision for the designation of an organisation from which the DBS check under paragraph 1 must be obtained. (3) The Secretary of State must lay before Parliament draft regulations under paragraph 2 before the end of the period of 90 days beginning with the day on which the Representation of the People Act 2026 is passed. (4) For the purposes of this rule, “enhanced DBS check” means an enhanced check with the Disclosure and Barring Service for the purposes of Part V of the Police Act 1997.”” This amendment would require candidates in a parliamentary election to agree to undertake and fund an enhanced DBS check if elected, to be obtained from an organisation to be designated by the Secretary of State. Government amendment 63. Amendment 2, page 60, line 1, leave out clause 47. This amendment is linked to NC14. Government amendments 64 to 68. Amendment 31, in clause 58, page 69, line 6, at end insert— “(da) the source and origin of the funds with which the donation was made, (db) any connections that the person from whom the donation is received has to high-risk jurisdictions and politically exposed persons, and”. This amendment will require a party to take into account the source of the funds with which the donation was made and any links the donor has to high-risk jurisdictions and politically exposed persons when carrying out a risk assessment under section 58. Amendment 132, in clause 58, page 69, line 6, at end insert— “(da) whether the donor, or a person connected with the donor, has at any time been convicted of an offence involving fraud, dishonesty, bribery, corruption or money laundering (whether in the United Kingdom or elsewhere), (db) the extent to which the donation, or the funds used to make it, derive from or have passed through a person connected with the donor as mentioned in paragraph (da),”. Amendment 33, in clause 58, page 69, line 8, leave out “the party” and insert “a reasonable person”. This amendment would require a party to take into account any other risk factor that a “reasonable person” rather than “the party” considers to be relevant when carrying out a risk assessment under section 58. Amendment 34, in clause 58, page 69, line 10, leave out from “regulations” to end of line 13 and insert “only if the regulations would give effect to a recommendation of the Commission.” This amendment would mean that the Secretary of State could only by regulation amend the risk factors that must be considered by parties when carrying out a risk assessment under section 58 if doing so gives effect to a recommendation of the Electoral Commission. Amendment 133, in clause 58, page 69, line 13, at end insert— “(2A) For the purposes of subsection (2)(da) and (db), a person is "connected with" the donor if— (a) they are the donor's spouse, civil partner, parent, child or sibling; (b) they are a person with significant control over the donor (within the meaning of section 54E or54F); or (c) they have, directly or indirectly, provided or arranged any part of the funds used to make the donation. (2B) A conviction is to be disregarded for the purposes of subsection (2)(da) if it is spent for the purposes of the Rehabilitation of Offenders Act 1974, unless the sentence imposed exceeded four years.” Amendment 32, in clause 58, page 69, line 31, at end insert— “(f) the definition of “high-risk jurisdictions” for the purposes of subsection 54C(2).” This amendment is consequential on Amendment 31 and would require the Electoral Commission to produce guidance on the definition of a “high-risk jurisdiction”. Government amendments 142 and 69. Amendment 14, in clause 60, page 73, line 6, leave out “set out in subsections (2) to (6)” and insert “follows”. This amendment is consequential on Amendment 15. Amendment 15, in clause 60, page 73, line 7, leave out subsections (2) to (7) and insert— “(2) In section 54 (permissible donors) omit subsections (2)(b) and (2)(f)”. This amendment would prohibit the acceptance of corporate donations by registered political parties. Government amendment 70. Amendment 134, in clause 60, page 73, line 32, at end insert— “(c) the person has nominated a director or partner who is to be personally responsible for ensuring the donation is made in accordance with the requirements of this Part.” This amendment provides that for donors from corporate bodies to be permissible they must nominate a director or partner who is responsible for compliance with the legal requirements relating to donations. Amendment 135, in clause 60, page 74, line 2, at end insert— “(2A) After section 54D (inserted by section 58 of this Act) insert— “54ZE Criminal liability of nominated director or partner to follow requirements (1) A director or partner nominated by virtue of section 54(3ZA)(c) commits an offence if without reasonable excuse they cause or permit a breach of any requirement imposed under this Part. (2) A person guilty of an offence under this section is liable— (a) on conviction on indictment, to imprisonment for a term not exceeding 3 years or to a fine, or to both; (b) on summary conviction in England and Wales, to imprisonment for a term not exceeding 3 years or to a fine not exceeding £500,000, or to both.”” This amendment provides that the director or partner who has been nominated to be responsible for ensuring compliance with the legal requirements relating to donations commits an offence is they cause or permit a breach of those requirements without reasonable excuse. Government amendments 71 to 76. Amendment 151, in clause 60, page 78, line 1, leave out subsections (2) and (3) and insert— “(3A) The amount of the person’s remaining available profits at the time of the donation’s receipt by the party is calculated as follows— Step 1 Add together the person’s profit for each financial year within the relevant period to give “the step 1 total”. Step 2 Divide the step 1 total by the number of relevant financial years to give “the step 2 total”. Step 3 Then deduct from the step 2 total the value of each relevant benefit (if any) that has already accrued to the party from the person in the calendar year in which the donation is received. (3B) For the purposes of subsection (3A), the amount of the person’s remaining available profits shall not include any profits of any connected persons. (3C) For the purposes of this section “connected persons” has the meaning given in section 1122 of the Corporation Tax Act 2010 (“connected” persons).” This amendment would require the calculation of remaining available profits of a company or LLP to exclude any subsidiaries and be calculated on the average of the relevant financial years. Government amendments 77 and 78. Amendment 136, in clause 60, page 78, line 9, after “party” insert “, any other party, regulated donee (within the meaning of Schedule 7) or candidate (see Schedule 2A to the Representation of the People Act 1983)”. This amendment would ensure that the amount a company or limited liability partnership can donate to a party must take into account any donations it has already made to other parties, regulated donees (which includes members of parties, members associations and holders of elective offices) or electoral candidates. Government amendments 79 to 81. Amendment 137, in clause 60, page 78, line 23, after “party” insert “, any other party, regulated donee (within the meaning of Schedule 7) or candidate (see Schedule 2A to the Representation of the People Act 1983)”. This amendment would ensure that the amount a company or limited liability partnership can donate to a party must take into account any donations it has already made to other parties, regulated donees (which includes members of parties, members associations and holders of elective offices) or electoral candidates. Government amendments 82 to 84, 28 and 86 to 99. Amendment 1, in clause 73, page 94, line 26, after “candidates,” insert “candidates’ relatives, candidates’ staff,”. Government amendments 143 to 145. Amendment 30, in clause 82, page 102, line 11, leave from “appoint” to the end of line 39 and insert— “(2) The Secretary of State must consult with the Parliamentary Parties Panel established under section 4 (parliamentary parties panel) of PPERA 2000 before commencing any provision in this Act.” This amendment would prevent the Act from coming into force until the Secretary of State had consulted the Parliamentary Parties Panel. Amendment 152, in clause 82, page 102, line 13, at end insert— “(1A) Part 1 of this Act comes into force once the Secretary of State has laid a report before both Houses as required under section (Equality impact assessment prior to extending the franchise to younger voters in the UK).” This amendment, together with NC122, would require the Secretary of State to produce a report in response to an equality assessment on extending the franchise to younger voters in the UK. Amendment 5, in clause 82, page 102, line 29, at end insert— “(ga) section 41(3A) (enhanced disclosure and barring service check declaration)”. This amendment is consequential on Amendment 4. Government amendments 100 and 146. Amendment 3, in clause 82, page 102, line 31, at end insert— “(ha) section [Overseas electors: Review of feasibility of proposals for facilitating overseas ballots]”. This amendment is consequential on NC19. Government new schedule 1—Donations in cryptoassets: transitional provision. Government new schedule 2—Regulated transactions involving cryptoassets. Government new schedule 5—Loans etc to registered parties by companies and LLPs. Government new schedule 6—Meaning of “donation”. Government new schedule 7—Cap on donations to registered parties by overseas contributors: application and transitional provision. Government new schedule 8—Cap on loans etc to registered parties by overseas contributors. Government amendments 147 to 150 and 101 to 122. Amendment 35, in schedule 8, page 158, line 40, leave out “£11,180” and insert “£7,500”. This amendment, together with Amendments 36 to 39, would require a risk assessment to take place for donations that exceed more than £7,500 to a recognised third party. Amendment 36, page 159, line 6, leave out “£11,180” and insert “£7,500”. See explanatory statement for Amendment 35. Amendment 37, page 159, line 14, leave out “£11,180” and insert “£7,500”. See explanatory statement for Amendment 35. Amendment 38, page 159, line 17, leave out “£11,180” and insert “£7,500”. See explanatory statement for Amendment 35. Amendment 39, page 159, line 27, leave out “£11,180” and insert “£7,500”. See explanatory statement for Amendment 35. Amendment 40, page 164, line 36, leave out “£11,180” and insert “£2,230”. This amendment, together with amendments 41 and 43, lowers the threshold at which donations to candidates at elections must undertake a risk assessment. Amendment 41, page 164, line 39, leave out “£11,180” and insert “£2,230”. See explanatory statement for Amendment 40. Amendment 43, page 164, line 40, leave out “£11,180” and insert “£2,230”. See explanatory statement for Amendment 40. Amendment 44, page 167, line 10, leave out “£11,180” and insert “£500”. This amendment together with Amendments 45 to 48, lowers the threshold at which donations to accredited campaigners in recall petitions must undertake a risk assessment. Amendment 45, page 167, line 18, leave out “£11,180” and insert “£500”. See explanatory statement for Amendment 44. Amendment 46, page 167, line 27, leave out “£11,180” and insert “£500”. See explanatory statement for Amendment 44. Amendment 47, page 167, line 30, leave out “£11,180” and insert “£500”. See explanatory statement for Amendment 44. Amendment 48, page 167, line 41, leave out “£11,180” and insert “£500”. See explanatory statement for Amendment 44. Government amendments 123 to 131. Amendment 12, title, line 1, leave out “extending the right to vote to 16 and 17 year olds” and insert “linking the right to vote to the age at which a person may be sold alcohol in licenced premises”. This amendment is consequential on Amendment 6. Amendment 55, line 1, leave out “extending the right to vote to 16 and 17 year olds” and insert “linking the right to vote to the age at which a person may enter into a marriage”. This amendment is consequential on Amendment 49. Amendment 62, line 1, leave out “extending the right to vote to 16 and 17 year olds” and insert “linking the right to vote to the age of majority”. This amendment is consequential on Amendment 56.
I call the Liberal Democrat spokesperson.
Order. Before we delve into a rabbit hole about proportional representation, it might be helpful if I remind all Members that it is out of scope of the Bill.
Q2. I welcome the Prime Minister to his place. He knows the importance of protecting local green belt; indeed, he made it a key part of his by-election campaign in Makerfield. It is incredibly important in my constituency too, where there has been an 85% increase in the housing target and we are 89% green belt. The Prime Minister says that he wants to do things differently and share the burden across the country, so will he meet me to discuss a new path forwards?
Following on from that point about firefighters, one of the wildfires among the major incidents the First Secretary of State referred to in her statement was in Cambridgeshire at Holme Fen nature reserve, to which up to 20 fire engines responded, along with 150 firefighters from as far afield as Merseyside, Durham and Devon and Somerset. My thanks go to all those firefighters who assisted Cambridgeshire fire and rescue in tackling that dangerous peat fire. Will the First Secretary of State explain how the £100 million that she referred to will be allocated? Is it a one-off payment, or is it an uplift to the current funding formula, which needs to be updated for fire and rescue? Will she give a little more detail on the asset refresh programme and whether the assets that firefighters are crucially in need of will be allocated quickly?
I thank the deputy Prime Minister for advance sight of her statement. I congratulate her on her appointment—it is a major achievement—and I look forward to working with her. I also congratulate the right hon. Lady on the wording of her statement. The phrase “rewiring the state” was first coined by the Leader of the Opposition in her leadership contest in the summer of 2024, and for a very good reason. The state does need rewiring; we agree on that. It is in urgent need of rewiring. It needs rewiring so that politicians can make decisions, it needs rewiring so that elected Governments can fulfil their mandates speedily, and it needs rewiring so that the state does not continue to grow ad infinitum. I know that the new Administration delight in nothing more than criticising the Blair Government. There were many reasons to criticise the Blair Government, but I wish to talk about just three: the first is quangos, the second is the nature of the Treasury and the third is the issue of legal constraint. Some of the worst of these problems are those of entrenched institutional inertia. We have seen over time how quangos have led to Ministers having less agency over important decisions that affect our constituents’ lives, so it is unfortunate that the deputy Prime Minister has today announced the creation of a massive new quango in the OneGov Delivery Agency. It will be in charge of Government recruitment, the civil service, pensions, shared services, security vetting, and so on. It will oversee the spending of considerable public money. It is a step in the wrong direction, because Ministers will retain responsibility for those services, but they will lose power over them. One of the reasons we have seen a proliferation of arm’s length bodies is that they have become a way of dodging excessive bureaucracy put on by the centre. In this instance, by the centre I really mean the Treasury. In its modern form, the Treasury is the behemoth created by Gordon Brown and designed to control Whitehall and to reduce departmental Ministers’ authority over their spend and their decisions. I was therefore genuinely interested to hear the right hon. Lady say over the summer that the Treasury was an “imperial finance department”. I had rather hoped that she was going to lead the charge to smash the barricades and destroy this terrible imperial power, but instead it appears that the empire has struck back. The briefing we were given initially was that No. 10 North was going to take control of growth. That seems to have been watered down. It is now rumoured that the Chancellor will give the speech on growth next week, and that the real power remains within No. 11 south. Will the right hon. Lady tell the House what powers, levers and budget she will have, as head of No. 10 North, to increase growth across the UK? Legal constraint is obviously a massive problem. Over the Blair years, laws such as the Human Rights Act 1998 and environmental legislation created endless sources of judicial review, which made it increasingly difficult for Government to do things—to build infrastructure and so on. That is a colossal drag on the capabilities of the state. If the right hon. Lady wishes to work on that, the Conservatives would be happy to work with her. In the statement, we heard a further exposition on devolution and the merits of No. 10 North. For that to be credible, the Government need to be able to give three basic guarantees. The first is that this will lead to an overall reduction in the size of the civil service. Despite promises made after the election, the opposite has happened under Labour; since the general election, the headcount of the civil service has risen by over 11,000. Will that be reduced, and by when? The second guarantee is on the nature of devolution—whether it is driven by the interests of local people, or just by those of one party. Over the summer, Labour councillors were allowed to redraw the boundaries of the authorities that they hope to represent, and to do so before any independent review by the Local Government Boundary Commission. Labour set about the biggest reorganisation of local government in 50 years with no mandate to do so, and announced it on the day before recess, with no scrutiny. One wonders how it can be localism if it is imposed—and imposed with constraints. Also over the summer, after the Prime Minister had made his interesting announcement about assigned income tax and retained business rates, the Mayor of the Tees Valley, Lord Houchen, said that he would create “a new rebate scheme to put money back into people’s pockets and let families keep more of the money they earn.” It is an excellent idea—an excellent Conservative idea—so excellent that it was immediately shot down by the deputy Prime Minister. Will she tell us whether combined authority mayors will be able to cut taxes or give rebates, so that working people can keep more of their money—or will this just lead to higher taxes? Otherwise, it appears that local mayors will not have the freedom to cut taxes; they will only have the freedom to increase them. They will only have the freedom to increase the size of the state, not reduce it. It appears that this Government are rewiring the state—but just to grow it. The last point is simply about cost. How much is this reorganisation costing? How much is being spent on No. 10 North? How much will need to be spent in order to power the localisation agenda that this Administration have put forward? Where is that money coming from? Is it coming from other Departments, in which case, from where, or is it coming from tax, and if so, which taxes? If it is coming from borrowing—well, I think the bond markets will have something to say about that. Until the Government can show that they are able to cut taxes and spending, so that we can get real growth across the country, I am afraid that all of this will just be another northern pipe-dream.
There are 4.5 million unpaid carers in England. I have first-hand knowledge of the impact of that on carers and their families, having been a carer for two members of my own family, but I also know that for millions of carers the emotional and financial toll is far greater than what I faced. Can the Prime Minister assure the House that when the Casey review has been completed, funding will not be the reason for its recommendations not to be implemented?
I welcome the Lord Chancellor’s statement. As a former criminal law barrister, I represented defendants who were given IPP sentences. They were required to complete courses, treatments and rehabilitation before they could be considered for release, yet many were never offered any of those things in time, leaving them unable to be reviewed by the Parole Board through no fault of their own. Can the Lord Chancellor say what he is doing to ensure that prisoners get the help and courses that they need in time for their parole eligibility?
Does the Justice Secretary agree that one way of increasing prison capacity is to reduce reoffending, as 80% of people in prison are reoffenders? Far too often, we have prisoners who leave prison with no home, job, family or social connections. Are we doing enough to address that?
This Government inherited a situation from the previous Conservative Government where UK control over the vital UK-US military base in Diego Garcia was under threat. This is about the long-term safety and national security of the United Kingdom and the British people. Maintaining the long-term operational control and security of the base remains a top priority; that is the entire basis for the UK-Mauritius agreement. A financial element was a crucial part of that deal.
The hon. Gentleman asks about the payments, but he knows that this is about the long-term safety and national security of the United Kingdom and the British people. Diego Garcia is a key strategic military asset for both the United Kingdom and the United States that has protected our shared security for nearly 60 years. At the time, the Conservative Government held 11 rounds of negotiations with the Mauritians; at the time, they argued that Britain’s defence was best served by having legal certainty over the Chagos islands. Funding for the treaty will be provided within the existing spending review settlements for the Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office and the Ministry of Defence.
I thank the Chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee for her warm words. The UK has no doubt about its sovereignty over the Falkland Islands: they are, and will always remain, a British overseas territory, in line with the wishes of the Falkland Islanders. The UK is steadfast in our support of the Falkland Islanders’ right to self-determination. While I have seen the comments that the Chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee referred to, our position remains unchanged.
We worked in lockstep with the US in developing and testing the deal to ensure that it meets both UK and US security requirements. I am not going to give a running commentary on this matter. The US Administration have repeatedly supported this agreement, and nothing in this treaty has changed since the US originally gave its endorsement to the deal. We have always been clear that the US Government must be content with the agreement before we proceed in ratifying the treaty, and we will continue to work with the US and Mauritius to find a way forward that is in the UK’s best interests and protects our national security.
Happy birthday, Madam Deputy Speaker. I thank the Secretary of State for his statement. Officials will have given him a date or timeline for when the current prison system will reach full capacity. Could I ask how that compares to the previous assessment?
My hon. Friend makes an outstanding point about the multiplier effect on surrounding economies. I have had the pleasure of visiting Sussex University and its leading quantum lab. The proposal it has put together would make a net contribution not only to the local economy, but in terms of direct drivers to jobs linked to airports and other transport corridors. Does my hon. Friend agree that cuts to simple science budgets have a material impact on communities, and also a multiplier effect?
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Wishart. I thank the hon. Member for South Devon (Caroline Voaden) for raising this important issue, and I welcome Members back after a long summer. First, I have a holiday confession: I spent a week in Spain without touching a euro or a cent—not that I made my partner pay for everything; I just used a digital app. On my return, there was that quaint item in the post: a cheque, which I banked yesterday using a digital app. The truth is that we are using banks and handling cash less and less, but that does not mean that communities like mine in the Western Isles do not need banking services. This summer, the Bank of Scotland branch in Benbecula in my constituency closed its doors. That followed the closure of branches in Harris and in the port town of Lochmaddy. Those closures have raised concerns about banking services across the islands and in other parts of rural Scotland. My constituents cannot simply drive to the next bank, because it is across the sea on the mainland. In passing, I pay tribute to the mobile banking service, the bank van, which the RBS is still providing in the islands and other parts of Scotland. The closure of banking services has profound effects on islands, because another truth is that communities in my constituency, particularly in Uist, face a stark depopulation crisis. There is an ageing population and economically active families are being pushed away by unaffordable housing, lack of childcare and lack of digital and physical connectivity, with failing ferries and unaffordable air fares. Without correction, we will lose not just people but communities. Banking services, as well as housing and a growing economy, have to be part of the jigsaw to retain populations. In cash-heavy local economies, the loss of any branch is important. That is why I welcome the banking services review, but remind Ministers that they must move quickly and make sure that the approach is not one size fits all. Rural and island areas like mine rely on these vital services. Under the rules, an area should have a population of 10,000 to have a banking hub, but the population of Uist is 4,500. We need flexibility in the banking review because one size does not fit all.
Island communities like mine simply do not fit the parameters of banking hubs. The population of Uist, for example, is half the size of that required for a banking hub. Will the Minister consider island solutions in the roll-out of new banking hubs?
May I welcome the Prime Minister to his place and invite him to my place? There are good flight connections from Manchester to the Western Isles, where he will see that we have the highest concentration of community-owned wind farms in the country. If he really wants to fulfil the potential of the energy transition, these communities should be given priority access to grid connections, and he should use the muscle of GB Energy to give communities and local councils the ability to buy shares in renewable schemes anywhere in their area. It is devolutionary, it is revolutionary, and the template for how to do it is in Na h-Eileanan an Iar.
My hon. Friend the Member for Congleton (Sarah Russell) talked powerfully about it being a travesty if e-MERLIN and Jodrell Bank were to cease scientific endeavour. Will the Minister take back from this place to her colleagues in the Department the strong message that we want a viable future for the continuation of amazing science at Jodrell Bank, and in particular the Bernard Lovell telescope and the e-MERLIN network?
In January 2023, Mia Jennings died suddenly from a cardiac event. She was a swimming instructor, star apprentice, and, by all accounts, a wonderful young lady. Since her passing, her family have made incredible efforts to raise money for CRY—over £50,000—bringing screening directly to communities across Macclesfield. Will the Minister join me in commending Mia’s family for their extraordinary efforts in her memory?