Immigration and Asylum Bill (Fifteenth sitting)
I beg to move, That the clause be read a Second time.
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Immigration and Asylum Bill (Fifteenth sitting)
I am tm;1speaking in support of new clauses 30 and 31, tabled by my hon. Friend the Member for Bicester and Woodstock (Calum Miller). Let me be clear—these new clauses do not challenge the Government’s responsibility to accommodate people seeking asylum. They ask two simple things: that before a large site is chosen, the Government show us that it is suitable, and that before public money is committed, they show us what it will cost. New clause 30 would require the Government to publish an assessment of every large site, covering transport, healthcare, policing capacity, safe pedestrian access, safeguarding, infrastructure, the alternatives considered and the impact on the local community. It would also require consultation with local authorities. New clause 31 would require the Government to publish the full costs, including acquisition, capital expenditure, running costs and cost per person, alongside a fair comparison with alternative options. If those estimates changed materially before a site opened, the assessment would have to be revised. Why propose these new clauses? Because the urgent Crown development route allows the Home Office to bypass much of the usual planning scrutiny. My hon. Friend the Member for Bicester and Woodstock has seen the consequences of that at MOD Bicester in his patch, where up to 1,256 people could be housed for 10 years. The sewage arrangements rely on tankering, which would not work at full occupancy. The electricity plan assumes generators, because the existing supply cannot be relied on. The environmental screening assumed buildings no higher than 6 metres, while the plans allow buildings up to 12 metres. Local people had just 10 days to make representations, and there were no pre-application discussions with the highways authority. My hon. Friend’s analysis also suggests that the scheme could cost more than £250 million to establish, and over £1 billion across 10 years. There are serious questions about suitability, infrastructure and value for money. They deserve proper answers before the public are committed to such a substantial bill. The concerns are not confined to Oxfordshire; in North Yorkshire, my part of the country, the proposed reopening of the former Royal Air Force site at Linton-on-Ouse also raises many of the same questions. In 2022, the Home Office proposed accommodating asylum seekers there. The scheme was subsequently abandoned, but only after significant public money had already been spent. Now the proposal is back. On 15 July, North Yorkshire council passed a cross-party resolution opposing the proposal, and I join colleagues from across North Yorkshire and York in supporting the council leader’s letter to the Minister. It is worth <span id="541" class="column-number" data-column-number="541"></span>noting that the Labour Mayor for York and North Yorkshire, David Skaith, has also opposed those plans, which is interesting when we consider the Government’s devolution agenda; they want to empower mayors to make planning decisions, yet seem keen to ignore them when those decisions are coming from the centre. The concerns set out in the letter read almost like a checklist of the issues that new clause 30 would require the Government to assess. The proposal is to accommodate over 1,000 single adult men beside a village of approximately 600 people. The primary school is very nearby and the site covers 680 acres, raising many important questions about security and safeguarding. Public transport, local services and support networks are limited; the surrounding roads are rural and prone to flooding; there are serious questions about the capacity of water, sewage, drainage and electricity infrastructure; and there is no mains gas.
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Immigration and Asylum Bill (Fifteenth sitting)
Let me press the Minister a little further. In my speech in support of the new clauses, I spoke about the lack of capacity when it comes to sewage and electricity and the lack of consultation with local government. Will the Minister not acknowledge that and try to empathise with those individuals and authorities on the inappropriate nature of these sites? Will she look again?
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Immigration and Asylum Bill (Fifteenth sitting)
Can the Minister explain and outline why she thinks that both the Conservative-run North Yorkshire council and her Labour Mayor for York and North Yorkshire have got it wrong in their opposition to these sites?
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Immigration and Asylum Bill (Fifteenth sitting)
I am not satisfied with the Minister’s response, which outlines the Government’s views. I do not think it adequately addresses the issues that Crown development routes pose in bypassing much of local planning scrutiny. The Minister also made the point that the Government want to be as transparent as possible. I do not think that this place should let them off the hook on these issues. The questions about the suitability of sites were not adequately answered, so I will not withdraw the new clause. <em>Question put</em>, That the clause be read a Second time.
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Immigration and Asylum Bill (Sixteenth sitting)
The Minister has mentioned fairness a number of times, but the blanket retrospective changes to ILR seem unfair to those who have been working and contributing here. Will she not reconsider?
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Immigration and Asylum Bill (Sixteenth sitting)
I will relay the Minister’s remarks to my hon. Friend the Member for Wimbledon, and I echo her sentiments and those of the Opposition spokesperson about the way in which this debate has been conducted throughout.
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Highways (Financing) Bill (Fourth sitting)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Ms Lewell. I think where we got to before we adjourned was that we would withdraw amendment 45, but press amendment 87 to a Division, so I beg to ask leave to withdraw the amendment. <em>Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.</em><span id="98" class="column-number" data-column-number="98"></span> <em>Amendment proposed</em>: 87, in clause 4, page 4, line 27, at end insert— “(c) prepare, consult upon, and publish a report assessing— (i) the anticipated impact of the specified highway on traffic volumes, congestion, and highway wear across local road networks maintained by adjacent local highway authorities; and (ii) the specific traffic management, infrastructure, and financial mitigation measures required to address any adverse impacts identified under subparagraph (i).”—<em>(Olly Glover.)</em> <em>This amendment requires the licensing authority to publish a comprehensive local road impact and mitigation report prior to granting any licence, ensuring that traffic displacement onto surrounding local council roads is fully evaluated and mitigated in advance.</em>
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Highways (Financing) Bill (Fourth sitting)
I beg to move amendment 39, in clause 7, page 6, line 11, at end insert— “(c) a condition requiring the holder of the licence to compensate affected local highway authorities for extraordinary maintenance costs, traffic management or congestion mitigation arising from any increased traffic as a result of vehicles avoiding tolls on the chargeable highway.” <em>This amendment ensures that local authorities are compensated for the knock-on costs of increased traffic on local roads as a result of drivers aiming to avoid the toll road.</em>
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Highways (Financing) Bill (Fourth sitting)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Ms Lewell. Amendment 39 would create a mechanism for compulsory compensation for local councils as a result of additional traffic due to people avoiding tolls. Local council taxpayers must not be forced to subsidise private toll road profits by picking up the repair bill for local roads damaged by heavy diverted traffic. As Declan Pang of the Road Haulage Association noted in front of the Committee last week, local A and B roads are heavily used by small businesses and hauliers, and severe wear caused by toll evasion can hurt the wider local economy. Placing compensation in clause 7 would make it a binding legal condition so that private operators cannot bypass or negotiate away the wider impacts. One of the reasons I have tabled the amendment is because of the problem with the current roads funding formula. It is based overwhelmingly on miles rather than use levels. Higher use of existing roads would not necessarily lead to more funding for local authorities as a result, so we need a mechanism to deal with that. Amendment 40 would, in effect, extend the delay repay concept from the railway to toll roads. It would mean an automatic toll refund scheme that issues partial or full refunds to drivers trapped in severe congestion, roadworks or operator-induced disruptions would come into existence. Motorists paying premium commercial tolls expect a reliable, free-flowing journey and should not be charged full price when the operator fails to maintain traffic flow. Drawing on European tolling models, the Italian network has a motorway refund system, which creates a direct financial incentive for operators to clear incidents and manage roadworks efficiently. Currently, operators do not always manage to do that here. We are not necessarily saying that that is the right system for the UK context, but it is an illustration of what is possible and an example that the Minister may wish to consider.<span id="105" class="column-number" data-column-number="105"></span> As Edmund King told the Committee last week, if drivers pay a higher toll under an independent business model, it must work both ways, giving drivers money back when the road fails to operate properly. I look forward to hearing the Minister’s comments.
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Highways (Financing) Bill (Fourth sitting)
The shadow Minister gives me an opportunity to say something I omitted from my notes—despite everyone’s obsession with Google, it is incapable of formatting a document properly when it is printed, but that is for another day. The Italian model calculates a base amount for roadworks, plus an extra amount for time lost. One qualifies after any delay on a trip up to 30 km, after a 10-minute delay on trips of 30 to 50 km, or after a 15-minute delay on trips over 50 km. I do not know how they determine that. It may be through some sort of monitoring system, and we already have that in many formats, such as automatic number plate recognition. The Italians are not generally well known for welcoming state surveillance. That is just one mechanism, and I am sure that many options are available using 21st-century technology.
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Highways (Financing) Bill (Fourth sitting)
The Minister, as he has in a few of his speeches, is talking as if the Bill is only about the lower Thames crossing, but it is not. It is much broader than that, as he has acknowledged, although it is focused on the lower Thames crossing. If the Bill was just about the lower Thames crossing, I might well agree with his argument, as there are no alternatives in that particular case. But as drafted, it is not just about the lower Thames crossing, is it?
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Highways (Financing) Bill (Fourth sitting)
I am grateful for the Minister’s comments. On amendment 40, the Minister said that delay repay could incentivise toll road operators to do less maintenance, but I disagree. It would incentivise them to do maintenance efficiently and at appropriate times, such as overnight, rather than making a case for recreating the Conservative party’s cones hotline of the 1990s. One sometimes sees plenty of cones and lane closures out there with very little work taking place. In light of the shadow Minister’s offer to work collaboratively on a proposal, and of my offer to help him with his conspiracy theories of state suspicion, I will leave amendment 40 for another day. However, I will press amendment 39 to a Division.<span id="111" class="column-number" data-column-number="111"></span> <em>Question put</em>, That the amendment be made.
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Immigration and Asylum Bill (Fifteenth sitting)
It is an honour to serve under your chairship, Mrs Barker. I agree with my hon. Friend the Member for Harrogate and Knaresborough and the hon. Member for Mid Bedfordshire completely, but I want to make a separate point. I have some sympathy for the Minister. Last week, we rightly <span id="543" class="column-number" data-column-number="543"></span>criticised the Government’s approach on hotels; now, we are rightly criticising their approach on large sites. The argument might be, “Well, what are the Government expected to do?” I urge them to take a wholly different approach. A few weeks ago, the Home Affairs Committee went to Denmark. Denmark is often seen as hardcore on immigration issues, but it is far subtler than that. Their approach to asylum accommodation is so very different. Rather than the neoliberal obsession with outsourcing and making the asylum billionaire Graham King millions, if not billions, Denmark uses non-governmental organisations. The Red Cross runs the asylum centres rather than private enterprise making a profit. They run on a not-for-profit basis. If they make a profit, the money goes back into the asylum centre or is given back to the Government. That wholly changes the tone. In Denmark, we saw local people not protesting against asylum centres, but volunteering to work in them. One asylum centre was being closed and local people petitioned for it to be kept open. We could change the whole nature of the debate if we went to NGOs rather than private providers to deliver the accommodation—accommodation that I accept is needed, although the Government must improve and speed up their processing of claims.
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Immigration and Asylum Bill (Fifteenth sitting)
Just in case it is not going to happen, could I press the Minister on changing the tone of the debate to our choice of who runs those asylum centres? That is critical.
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Social Housing Bill (Fifth sitting)
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mr Vickers. I rise to speak to new clause 59, which, in a similar spirit to the official Opposition’s new clauses 36 and 54, asks that the Secretary of State carry out a review. My new clause asks that the review takes place 12 months after Royal Assent. We come at this with a different aspiration: I feel the Opposition amendments have been tabled to catch the Government out, whereas we support the objectives of the Bill. However, although we support the changes to right to buy and the tightening of stock disposal, it is only right that the House be able to see, via a review by the Secretary of State within 12 months, whether those objectives have indeed been met or whether we need to legislate further to continue to protect social housing stock, on which we are in full agreement with the Government.
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Social Housing Bill (Fifth sitting)
I rise to speak in support of my new clause 61, which is a probing amendment. As the new clause outlines, a home and place standard would be a design and place-making framework for an organisation to enable the measurement of housing quality, to guide strategic investment and to shape resident wellbeing. The core pillars of such a standard should focus on customers, on homes and on the place. It should also make sure that social housing providers are part of a sustainable future. Although it may not be appropriate to mandate in the Bill a standard on to private registered providers, I would be keen to hear from the Minister how his Department is shaping the future standards for the sector and encouraging those PRPs to go further: to think beyond just their bricks and mortar, and about where their homes are situated, about the role they play on an estate, about the role that they can play in a town, about encouraging sustainable transport into new developments and about having a holistic approach to what makes social housing so important and making it even more successful.
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Social Housing Bill (Fifth sitting)
I beg to move, That the clause be read a Second time. As members of the Committee know, I worked in social housing for 14 years before entering this place. One of the more challenging elements of my role was ensuring the safety of our residents, particularly with annual gas safety checks. We had to make three attempts to carry out the check before going to court and seeking an injunction to access the property, not only resulting in legal costs for the social provider, but extending the time that a tenant was residing in a property without the boiler having its approved checks done. The same problem can also extend to five-year electrical safety checks. Only yesterday, I hosted a roundtable with the British Pest Control Association, where we spoke about <span id="199" class="column-number" data-column-number="199"></span>how delays to access in such instances are causing further damage through pest infestation. Bedbugs, for example, often move within a block of flats, so quick access to all dwellings in that instance is key to stopping the spread and its impact. The new clause has come from experience of working in the sector. I have never known a judge not to grant an injunction when a social landlord has been able to prove that it has made those three attempts. Although article 8 and the right to a private life may come up, that is of course a qualified right. As long as the access is in accordance with the law, necessary or proportionate, or pursuing a legitimate aim, article 8 considerations can be laid aside.
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Social Housing Bill (Fifth sitting)
I thank the Minister for his reply and for his Department’s understanding of the wider impact. I welcome the consultation being launched. I agree that the balance between a landlord’s rights and a tenant’s rights needs a lot of thought. When I was drafting new clause 60, I did not include pests as a hazard; I appreciate that that should have been included as well. I look forward to seeing the Government’s progress. I beg to ask leave to withdraw the motion. <em>Clause, by leave, withdrawn.</em> New Clause 62 Ability of tenants to request an electric vehicle charging point “(1) Within six months of the passing of this Act, the Secretary of State must, by regulations made by statutory instrument, make provision to enable tenants to request and install a domestic Electric Vehicle Charger.<span id="200" class="column-number" data-column-number="200"></span> (2) Regulations made under subsection (1) made under this subsection must include— (a) the grounds on which a request can be declined including— (i) electrical standards, (ii) planning requirements, and (iii) cost; and (b) a requirement for social housing providers to respond to the request within one month. (3) A statutory instrument containing regulations under this section may not be made unless a draft of the instrument has been laid before and approved by a resolution of each House of Parliament.”—<em>(Mr Dillon.)</em> <em>Brought up, and read the First </em><em>time</em><em>.</em>
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Social Housing Bill (Fifth sitting)
I beg to move, That the clause be read a Second time.
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Social Housing Bill (Fifth sitting)
These are simple new clauses and we hope that Members on both sides of the Committee will support them. In effect, new clause 62 would allow social tenants the opportunity to have an electric charging point on existing stock, and new clause 63 seeks the same for new builds.
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Social Housing Bill (Fifth sitting)
I happily accept the Minister’s considered view about the consultation. I beg to ask leave to withdraw the motion. <em>Clause, by leave, </em><em>withdrawn</em><em>.</em> New Clause 66 Review of the use of empty homes as social housing “(1) The Secretary of State must, within six months of the passing of this Act, publish and lay before Parliament a review on the use of empty homes as social homes. (2) A review under this section must include information on— (a) the number of empty homes in England and Wales that could be used for social housing, (b) the potential merits of a scheme to bring empty homes into use as social housing, and (c) any challenges involved in establishing such a scheme.”—<em>(Gideon Amos.)</em> <em>Brought up, and read the First time.</em>
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Social Housing Bill (Fifth sitting)
The Minister has outlined a number of funding packages and processes that are already set up to tackle empty homes. Can he say how well they are working, and whether the Government need to go further? A national strategy, with a regional breakdown or local levers within it, could help tackle the problem.
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Social Housing Bill (Fifth sitting)
I beg to move, That the clause be read a Second time.
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Social Housing Bill (Fifth sitting)
It is a pleasure to speak again—no day would be complete without a sitting of this Committee. New clause 66 was tabled by my hon. Friend the Member for Eastleigh (Liz Jarvis). In proposing the new clause, she said: “There are hundreds of thousands of empty homes across England and Wales, while many families wait years for a social home or remain in temporary accommodation. My amendment would require the Government to carry out a review of how empty homes could be used as social housing. It would assess how many properties could be brought into use, the potential benefits of a dedicated scheme and the barriers that would need to be addressed. Bringing empty homes back into use can be a faster and more cost-effective way of increasing social housing supply, while also helping to regenerate local communities. This review would give the Government the evidence it needs to act and I hope it will receive support from across the House.” My hon. Friend is absolutely right. I particularly draw attention to the regeneration benefits of bringing empty homes back into use, which are significant. As hon. Members know, many of our town centres have too many empty buildings, and there is a real bottleneck in the procedure for getting them back into use. The late Liberal Democrat Housing Minister Andrew Stunell started the last significant empty homes programme that any Government have introduced. Begun in 2010, it brought 120,000 empty homes back into use; that is 10 times the number of social homes created last year and a significant contribution to meeting the need for housing. When the Conservatives took over in 2015, that programme was abandoned—its funding was ended. The number of empty homes is now on the increase again. As a result of the programme, it fell to a record low, from 315,000 to 203,000. However, it has gone up again under subsequent Governments. By October 2026, it had risen to 303,000, almost back to its 2010 level, up 14% on 2024 and 50% higher than in 2015 when the programme ended. The programme brought units into use for affordable rent, low-cost home ownership and social rent. It therefore made a significant contribution to not just housing but <span id="203" class="column-number" data-column-number="203"></span>social housing. Its grant was around £22,000 per dwelling—significantly less than the average subsidy for creating new social housing. It was therefore a very important factor. As my hon. Friend the Member for Eastleigh has pointed out, there are hundreds of thousands of empty dwellings in the country. We need a programme to bring them back into use. That is the missing link in the Government’s housing policy. A Liberal Democrat Government would bring in an empty homes programme forthwith. We commend the new clause to the Committee.
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Social Housing Bill (Fifth sitting)
Perhaps I can give an example from my own experience. I have set on record my interest as a social landlord. In another life, under the programme I described, I brought into use four empty dwellings as social housing. The challenge with an empty home is that, although the grant level is generally less, and the cost can be less than building a new home, the schemes are much more complicated due to ownership, these being existing buildings, consents and the fact that many are listed. So it is with some trepidation that owners and developers go into this field. The benefit of the previous scheme was that it was a ringfenced scheme dedicated for empty homes, rather than relying on the existing processes and programmes. Affordable social housing programmes will not generally be geared towards what can be long-winded and complex schemes in the empty homes field. Having a ringfenced fund that is named and available gives owners and developers the confidence to know that an empty homes scheme will compete well among the applications submitted in the social and affordable homes programme. Finally, I reiterate that the previous scheme was the most successful that I can find recorded for empty homes. It brought the number of empty homes down to its lowest level ever, from 320,000 down to 200,000. This is proven technology, so we should proceed with it. Unless and until the Government have their own empty homes programme—I have not heard about one—we should continue to push them on this. <em>Question put, </em>That the clause be read a Second time.
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Social Housing Bill (Fifth sitting)
I repeat the thanks from the Minister and the Opposition spokesman to officials. I thank my hon. Friends who have supported me, and the Minister for taking on board so many amendments—at least in spirit, if not in reality. <em>Question put and agreed to.</em> <em>Bill, as amended, accordingly to be reported.</em>
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Highways (Financing) Bill (Fourth sitting)
Does the hon. Gentleman agree that there is a problem with ghost number plates and other forms of avoiding ANPR, automatic number plate recognition? What would his solution to that be?
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Social Housing Bill (Fifth sitting)
It is a pleasure to continue our proceedings with you in the Chair, Mr Vickers. I will speak to new clauses 36, 54 and 59. Members of the Committee will have heard <span id="183" class="column-number" data-column-number="183"></span>my opinion of the merits of Opposition amendments that seek further statutory reviews in general, so they can guess where I am heading with some of these. Although we share the aim of ensuring that the impact of our reforms is properly understood, the Government do not believe that further statutory review requirements are necessary or proportionate. We have already published an economic impact assessment. We have arrangements in place to monitor the effects of the Act. The impact on businesses is expected to be de minimis, with estimated direct costs well below £1 million. New clause 59 would specifically require a review within 12 months covering the supply and retention of social housing, tenants’ rights, the right to buy and the right to acquire. Many of the measures in the Bill will take time to bed in, so a statutory review within that timeframe risks providing only a partial picture of their impact. More broadly, the Government already publish comprehensive data on social housing sales and demolitions, right-to-buy sales and replacements, local authority housing stock levels and new affordable housing supply, including detailed local authority-level data. We will continue to monitor the impact of the reforms through these existing datasets and established statistical releases. We therefore do not think that new clause 59 is warranted. On the specific issue of home ownership raised by new clause 54, a core aim of the right-to-buy measures in the Bill is to ensure that social homes are not sold off without being replaced. I therefore agree with hon. Members about the importance of monitoring these reforms and their impact. However, imposing additional statutory review requirements would risk duplicating existing analysis without providing a more meaningful assessment of the Act’s effects. The Government’s priority is to implement these important reforms and monitor their impact effectively through the arrangements already in place. For those reasons, I am afraid we cannot accept new clauses 36, 54 and 59.
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Social Housing Bill (Fifth sitting)
I thank the shadow Minister for tabling and speaking to the new clause. The Government want to ensure that social housing is used effectively and efficiently to meet housing need. Tackling illegal subletting is an important element of that. We are clear that landlords should be taking action to clamp down <span id="185" class="column-number" data-column-number="185"></span>on such unacceptable practices. I very much agree with the shadow Minister’s comments about how unacceptable they are; they are a misuse of social housing. New clause 38 would require the Secretary of State, within 12 months of Royal Assent, to publish and lay before Parliament a review of the effectiveness of enforcement activity relating to the illegal subletting of social housing. The review would have to include information on numbers of prosecutions, numbers of properties recovered and any barriers to enforcement. As I have already set out, the Government are undertaking a review of social housing stock management that specifically considers unlawful subletting and tenancy fraud. It would be premature, in our view, to legislate for a separate enforcement review before that work has concluded. The findings of the stock management review will inform any future action; I can give the shadow Minister that assurance. In addition, much of the information that the new clause seeks to collect is already collected through other sources, including local authority housing statistics. New statutory reporting requirements would add limited value, while placing additional burdens on local authorities and registered providers. The shadow Minister is a man who wants to deregulate and remove burdens, so I am again surprised that he is urging the Government to add new burdens and requirements on local authorities. In our view, they are not warranted; we think they would risk diverting resources away from frontline housing management and service delivery. Where unlawful occupation of social housing properties occurs, the Government expect landlords to take active steps to tackle fraud and ensure that social housing is used fairly, which may include taking legal action. The Government are already taking targeted action to detect tenancy fraud and recover social homes. Through the Cabinet Office’s national fraud initiative, tenancy records from local councils and participating housing associations are routinely cross-matched against wider public sector data to identify unlawfully occupied properties, saving the public purse an estimated £78,300 for every home recovered. On 8 July, the Government also announced a new innovative data-sharing partnership between the Public Sector Fraud Authority and Airbnb. This first-of-its-kind agreement, led by the PSFA within the Cabinet Office, will ensure that social housing properties remain there for families who need them, not in the hands of criminals. This is a clear example of the Government taking action on fraud. For those reasons, I respectfully ask the shadow Minister to withdraw the new clause.
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Social Housing Bill (Fifth sitting)
I will begin by speaking to new clause 39. I welcome the shadow Minister’s comments on standards and decency. It is reassuring to know that his deregulatory zeal does not extend to Awaab’s law, the decent homes standard or minimum energy efficiency standards. As well as delivering the biggest increase in social and affordable house building in a generation, we are determined to drive a transformational and lasting change in the safety and quality of social housing. Maintenance is a critical part of that. We have set out the standards required for social housing through the decent homes standard. In the coming months, we will provide more detailed guidance on how landlords can meet that standard. We have also published electrical safety guidance that sets out rights and responsibilities for landlords, local authorities and tenants. On complaints, social landlords are already subject to the Housing Ombudsman’s statutory complaint handling code. We are working closely with the ombudsman to ensure that it has the resources and capacity to meet increased demand and support better complaint handling by landlords. We have also introduced Awaab’s law, with its clear time-bound requirements on social landlords to investigate hazards and take action. Ahead of phase 2 of that law coming into force on 30 November, we have published updated guidance to support landlords to comply with its requirements.<span id="190" class="column-number" data-column-number="190"></span> Awaab’s law promotes a person-centred approach, putting the need to make individuals safe at the heart of legislation. Again, I commend the Opposition, because it was a Conservative Act of Parliament that provided the powers to introduce Awaab’s law into the social rented sector. However, in our view it would not be appropriate for the Government to tell landlords how to put individuals at the heart of the legislation, as the solutions will vary depending on individual circumstances. For that reason, we do not believe that the additional guidance called for in the new clause is necessary.
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Social Housing Bill (Fifth sitting)
The right hon. Gentleman’s point is well made; the set of arrangements that I have just specified apply to mayoral strategic authorities. It is worth making clear, though, that where there are concerns that a registered provider is not meeting the outcomes in the regulatory standards, it can be referred to the independent Regulator of Social Housing, so this is not the only route. I am talking just about the new measures on local authority scrutiny that are coming forward through the 2026 Act, but the right hon. Gentleman tempts me to debate an issue that is much wider than the scope of the new clauses. New clause 51 would require all registered providers to publish specified information on their performance every three months. The Government are committed to ensuring that tenants have clear and meaningful information about their landlord’s performance and are able to hold them to account. I also recognise the importance of continuing to improve the quality of the data available and ensuring that it is used effectively to identify emerging <span id="192" class="column-number" data-column-number="192"></span>risks and drive better outcomes for tenants. However, there is already an extensive framework in place to achieve this. All registered providers are required annually to publish tenant satisfaction measures, which cover many of the areas identified in the new clause, including repairs, complaints, antisocial behaviour and tenants’ overall satisfaction with their landlord. Those measures sit alongside a much wider range of regulatory, financial and statistical information collected by the regulator, including information on providers’ stock and rents. The regulator’s transparency, influence and accountability standard also requires all registered providers to collect and provide information that supports effective scrutiny by tenants of their landlord’s performance. I am mindful of the need to keep reporting requirements on registered providers proportionate and to minimise administrative burdens. It is my view that the current framework strikes the right balance. For those reasons, I do not believe that prescribing a further quarterly reporting regime in primary legislation is necessary or proportionate. I therefore hope that the hon. Members for Orpington and for Newbury will not press their new clauses.
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Social Housing Bill (Fifth sitting)
I thank the shadow Minister for tabling and speaking to this new clause. I am enjoying the irony of a shadow Minister who bemoans this Government’s, in his words, zealous overcentralisation and penchant for regulation, but who proposes a new clause that would impose on local authorities a statutory requirement to review their housing register at least once every three years—a new duty that would create additional administrative burdens—without any evidence that it would improve allocation decisions. Local authorities take different approaches to managing their housing register. It is right that they have the flexibility to do what works best for their own local area. In addition, councils already reassess housing need both before a household joins a waiting list and again before allocating a social home, and thereby ensure that social homes go to those most in need.
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Social Housing Bill (Fifth sitting)
I thank the hon. Member for Newbury for tabling and speaking to the new clause. It raises an important issue that we recognise has been an area of growing concern, and on which there were some particularly considered and constructive debates in the other place; I express my thanks to the noble Lord, Lord Best, for his engagement. Those debates reinforced the incredible complexity of the issue, which involves the interaction of the fundamental rights of tenants, the legal duties placed on landlords and the safety of both residents and their neighbours. I reassure the hon. Gentleman that, since those debates in the other place, the Government have been undertaking an intensive process of engagement and policy development to examine the issue. In that respect, we are grateful for the input and expertise that we have received from a range of residents’ groups, landlords, representative bodies and charities. That engagement has put it beyond doubt that this is an issue that must be resolved. However, it also made it clear that we cannot act in haste and risk creating new systemic problems, and there are a range of challenges that arise from various options in this area. For that reason, the Government cannot support new clause 60, but we will shortly bring forward a consultation that will examine the issue in the round to get at some of those challenges and find out what the potential solutions might be. It will also look at the design and the necessary safeguards for any new law in this space. To support the sector with practical advice, we will bring forward plans to develop best practice guidance on access procedures. I absolutely understand and recognise the expertise of the hon. Member for Newbury in this area. He raises a valid point, but for the reasons I have given, I hope he will withdraw his new clause.
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Social Housing Bill (Fifth sitting)
I can assure the hon. Member that the Government are committed to improving access to convenient home charging for tenants, including in social housing. However, we do not believe that new clause 62 is the right way to achieve that objective. Tenants can face hurdles in getting landlord or freeholder approval, sometimes without a clear reason; that is not in dispute. The Department for Transport is already consulting on an ability to charge for tenants and leaseholders. That consultation, published on 21 October, considers both legislation and non-statutory guidance to give residents clearer routes to request permission for a charge point. It also seeks views on setting clearer expectations for landlords and freeholders when responding to those requests, including in social housing. New clause 62 would pre-empt that consultation by introducing requirements before the Government have considered any evidence or fully assessed the impacts. In our view, that risks introducing grounds for refusal, which could be inappropriate and have the unintended consequence of deeming certain scenarios unreasonable when they are not, limiting access to home charging for tenants rather than making it more accessible. We want to ensure that any intervention is workable for tenants, while also taking proper account of the legitimate responsibilities and constraints on landlords and freeholders. New clause 62 would risk creating an inconsistent approach between different property types, which could cause confusion for housing providers and leave other tenants without the same protections. Support with <span id="201" class="column-number" data-column-number="201"></span>installation costs is already available, with existing Government grants providing up to £500 towards the cost of installing an eligible charge point. New clause 63 seeks to require new social housing developments to include electric vehicle charging points. I entirely agree with the hon. Member for Newbury about the importance of ensuring that new homes are equipped for the transition to electric vehicles. In schedule 1 to the Building Regulations 2010, part S, which was introduced in 2021, already requires charging infrastructure in new residential buildings and those undergoing major renovations in England, including in social housing developments. In our view, the new clause is therefore not required. The Government are also currently considering whether those requirements should be strengthened via the DFT consultation.
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Social Housing Bill (Fifth sitting)
The hon. Gentleman tempts me to opine on a completely different issue. The hon. Member for Newbury may correct me, but car parking spaces are not in the scope of his new clauses. The hon. Member for Broxbourne is more than welcome to write to me with specific concerns about local authority action in that area. For the reasons I have outlined, I hope that the hon. Member for Newbury will withdraw new clause 62 and will not press new clause 63.
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Social Housing Bill (Fifth sitting)
I thank the hon. Member for Taunton and Wellington for speaking to new clause 66, tabled in the name of the hon. Member for Eastleigh. He rightly pointed out that there are currently more than 300,000 homes that have been empty for six months or more. The Government absolutely want to see more empty homes brought back into use across the country, but we do not believe that a national review or a national empty homes strategy supported by a new ringfenced fund is the right approach. The scale and causes of empty homes vary considerably between places, as do local housing pressures and the interventions that will be most effective. Therefore, we believe that local authorities and mayoral strategic authorities are best placed to understand those circumstances and determine the right approach for their areas. Local authorities can already access funding to bring homes back into use, including through the social and affordable homes programme, the local authority housing fund and the long-term rough sleeping innovation programme. Loan funding is also available through the Public Works Loan Board to support the acquisition of empty homes. We are also strengthening local authorities’ powers to bring empty homes back into use by reforming empty dwelling management orders, removing evidential requirements and reducing the period that a property must be empty before it is eligible for an EDMO from two years to six months.
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Social Housing Bill (Fifth sitting)
The hon. Gentleman asks me a very specific question. I commit to give him, in writing, a sense of the local and regional breakdown of the use of EDMOs and these powers. Funding is available, but the point I am making is that although funding can be a barrier, it is only one part of the solution. Local authorities have a range of powers and incentives available to tackle empty homes. We want to continue empowering them to use those, but we think it is right that they retain the flexibility to respond to particular local priorities. Although the Government agree with the sentiment behind the new clauses, we do not believe that this Bill is the best route forward. On that basis, I hope the hon. Member for Taunton and Wellington might consider withdrawing new clause 66.
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Social Housing Bill (Fifth sitting)
As the shadow Minister made clear, amendments 80 and 81 concern the power in clause 20 to make consequential provision and the level of parliamentary scrutiny that should apply. I recognise that they seek to ensure robust parliamentary scrutiny, but as we have already discussed during our proceedings, the Government believe that the Bill strikes the right balance. Amendment 80 would prevent consequential regulations from amending or repealing primary legislation. That could mean that any consequential changes identified following Royal Assent would require additional primary legislation. That would be an inefficient use of parliamentary <span id="219" class="column-number" data-column-number="219"></span>time and could delay implementation. The power is expressly limited to provisions that are consequential to the Act. It cannot be used to pursue new policy objectives, whether related or not, to the legislation approved by Parliament in the Bill. Any regulations made beyond what is consequential on the Bill’s provisions would be open to legal challenges, as well as parliamentary scrutiny. Importantly, clause 20 already provides additional scrutiny where this power is used to amend or repeal primary legislation, with such regulations requiring the approval of both Houses. Amendment 81 would go further by requiring all consequential regulations to be approved by both Houses. We do not consider that to be proportionate. Where regulations do not amend or repeal primary legislation, the negative procedure provides an appropriate level of scrutiny for more technical, supplementary, incidental, transitional or saving provisions. The power is limited to making provision that is consequential on the Act and is intended to ensure its effective implementation and the maintenance of a coherent legislative framework. I therefore consider that clause 20 provides the appropriate level of parliamentary scrutiny, while avoiding unnecessary demands on parliamentary time. On that basic, I hope I have sufficiently reassured the shadow Minister, and I ask that he does not press amendments 80 and 81.
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Social Housing Bill (Fifth sitting)
May I take the opportunity to put on record my thanks to you, Mr Vickers, and the other Chairs of the Committee? I also thank our exemplary Clerks, the <em>Hansard</em> reporters and the Doorkeepers for overseeing our proceedings, and my officials and private office for all their support in bringing forward this piece of legislation. Finally, I thank my hon. Friends on the Government Benches for their valuable insights. I have had a spirited and constructive dialogue with the shadow Minister and the Liberal Democrat spokesman. I accept fully that there are principled points of disagreement, but I have valued their challenges and contributions. I very much look forward to further engagement with all hon. Members as the Bill progresses through its remaining stages.