Official portrait of Ruth Jones
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Ruth Jones

Labour Party MP for Newport West and Islwyn since (elected). An MP continuously since .

Parliament recordVoting recordWritten questionsEarly day motions

Entries on this tracker

113

Each filed under the party they sat for that day

Register entries

4

As currently published

Declared while sitting for Labour

£2,128.08

2 of 4 entries state an amount

Party affiliation

PartyOfficeAreaPeriodBeganEndedSource
LabourMPNewport West and Islwyn – presentelected—Party history

Parliament's party history for this member: Labour ( – present).

Register of interests

Every entry the member has in the Register of Members' Financial Interests, as Parliament currently publishes it. The wording and values are the member's own declarations; nothing here has been assessed by this site.

Totals add only the entries that declare an amount received: payments for work, donations, gifts, and funded visits (register categories 1.1, 2, 3, 4 and 5). Ongoing employment is listed but not added, because its figure is a rate rather than a sum received. Each entry is dated by when the benefit happened, not when it was registered, and placed under the party the member sat for on that date. A member who changed party therefore has a separate total for each.

DateCategoryEntryDeclared valueSitting forSource
2. Donations and supportLabour Animal Welfare Society - £1,660.08£1,660.08LabourRegister record
3. Gifts, UK sourcesChannel 4 Television Company Limited - £468.00£468LabourRegister record
8. MiscellaneousI am a trustee of the Parliamentary Christian Trust. This is an unpaid role.—LabourRegister record
8. MiscellaneousI am a patron of Edengate, a charity based in Newport that works with homeless people. This is an unpaid role.—LabourRegister record

Register on Parliament's site

Latest on this tracker 113

  1. ParliamentRuth Jones

    Budget Resolutions and Economic Situation

    This is the right Budget at the right time. It delivers immediate relief, but also the long-term investment necessary to bring hope back to Britain. I welcome the further steps <span id="396" class="column-number" data-column-number="396"></span>announced by the Chancellor to provide additional breathing room to households, which is essential. Energy bills will be cut, food tariffs will be slashed, the carer’s allowance cliff edge will be abolished, standing charges will be scrapped, parental pay will be expanded, and fuel duty will be frozen again, because Labour is on the side of working people. We recognise that times are tough, especially with the ongoing energy price spikes driven by Putin’s illegal invasion of Ukraine and, of course, the unnecessary US-Iran war. This Government’s ability to support hard-working families while continuing to provide up-front investment in our public services is testament to our careful economic management. Our careful stewardship has been commended by the IMF and has allowed us to enjoy the joint highest growth in the G7 while keeping public debt under control. The cost of living relief announced today by the Chancellor only builds on that already announced by the Prime Minister in his first 100 days—taking VAT off energy bills, a £2 bus fare cap, business rates relief, and tackling rogue tradespeople and repeat subscription scams. I am disappointed, though, that where this support relates only to England, the minority Plaid Cymru Welsh Government have not shown the same ambition or understanding of the everyday pressures facing households. We need to see that £2 cap on bus fares in Wales, as well as the extension of £1 fares for under-21s. I look forward to Plaid Ministers announcing how they will match the UK Labour Government’s reduction in bus fares—let us hope they do it quickly. Barnett consequentials on spending announcements are worth an additional £450 million to the Welsh Government, and I suggest that they spend it wisely, as people in Wales also want to benefit from this Budget for working people. With my constituency being home to the Welsh semiconductor cluster, and as the chair of the APPG for semiconductors, I am extremely proud of this Government’s commitment to manufacturing. I recognise the role that reindustrialisation can play in bringing well-paid jobs to every postcode, including the £20 million to support UK reindustrialisation and high-value jobs. That builds on the existing strengths of the semiconductor cluster in Newport West and Islwyn. Boosting manufacturing and the Prime Minister’s ambition to bring good growth to every postcode are particularly important in Wales, where we felt the impacts of 40 years of neo-liberalism at their hardest. Well-paid union jobs in our industrial heartland and coalfield communities disappeared and were never replaced. Despite the damage done by decades of Conservative Governments, Wales remains a proud manufacturing nation. The evidence is clear from my own constituency, with world-leading manufacturers choosing Wales for investment. Advanced manufacturing must be at the heart of a future Welsh economy. This Budget backs that ambition. This Budget is another big win for reversing 14 years of Tory under-investment in Welsh railways. Last year, we saw £445 million of funding for new stations, and now we have an additional £30 million for the Cardiff Parkway station site. As my constituency neighbours that site, I particularly welcome that announcement. It will provide meaningful alternatives for commuters and shoppers wanting to travel between Newport and Cardiff. I look forward to further announcements at the spending <span id="397" class="column-number" data-column-number="397"></span>review on the delivery of this Government’s £14 billion commitment to transform Welsh rail infrastructure, including the additional five stations across Newport.

    Hansard source
  2. ParliamentRuth Jones

    Budget Resolutions and Economic Situation

    I will carry on, because I am conscious that there are others who want to speak. Labour’s investment-led approach stands in stark contrast to that of the minority Plaid Government, who propose to close a number of the M4 junctions across Newport. That will improve traffic flow by just 3% but will have a massive impact on air and noise pollution for those living in my constituency. I welcome the Chancellor’s announcement today that tax-free mileage rates will now permanently be set at 55p a mile for the first 10,000 miles, which will go a long way to helping those who drive as part of their work, especially those providing domiciliary care. We need the Welsh Government to show the same ambition in making sure that when we push funding and powers from Westminster, it is not just hoarded in Cardiff Bay but is brought even closer to our communities. In my home city of Newport, we have a bold, ambitious Labour council led by Councillor Dimitri Batrouni that is ensuring that Newport is one of the fastest-growing areas of the UK. Think of what we could achieve by giving more powers and funding directly to local areas. This Budget marks another major step forward in delivering breathing space today and fresh hope for the future, and I support it.

    Hansard source
  3. ParliamentRuth Jones

    Smoke-free UK

    It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Ms Vaz. I thank the hon. Member for Harrow East (Bob Blackman) and my hon. Friend the Member for City of Durham (Mary Kelly Foy) for securing this important debate. I will start by declaring a lifelong professional interest in this vital issue. As a physiotherapist for more than 30 years, I have seen at first hand the effect of smoking on initiating and exacerbating things such as asthma and chronic obstructive airways disease. Passive smoking will hopefully decelerate now, but people who have never smoked do get lung cancer as a result. I am extremely passionate about the importance of smoking cessation to public health, and the critical role that physiotherapists can play in supporting such interventions.<span id="249WH" class="column-number" data-column-number="249WH"></span> As we have already heard from the hon. Members who opened the debate, smoking remains the leading cause of preventable death in the UK, killing an estimated 80,000 people every year, including almost 4,000 people in Wales. One in every 10 deaths in Wales among those over the age of 35 continues to be as a result of smoking. Although that is profound for the families of the people who have died, it also has a major impact on our NHS. Public Health Wales estimates that every year in Wales more than 17,000 hospital admissions are attributable to smoking, and smoking-related costs to the Welsh NHS and social care system are estimated at over £650 million a year. That is for a country with a population of about 3 million, so Members can see just how expensive the problem is. However, the full estimated costs are so much greater, because smoking remains a major drag on productivity and our environment. As we have also heard today already, the costs of smoking are not borne equally; individuals from deprived backgrounds are the worst affected and smoking is a persistent driver of health inequalities. Consequently, smoking cessation must be understood as a social justice issue. Almost a quarter of adults in the most deprived communities in Wales smoke, a figure that is four times higher than that for the least deprived areas. As we have already heard clearly today, that is not fair; it is a social justice issue. No Government who are committed to social justice, whether they are in Cardiff Bay or Westminster, can ignore this problem. I am therefore very pleased that the UK Labour Government are leading the way internationally through the Tobacco and Vapes Act 2026. That landmark piece of legislation will see the UK deliver the world’s first smoke-free generation, ensuring that today’s children will be protected from the cycle of addiction and disadvantage that has plagued our communities for decades. Another major achievement of the Act was to take major steps to combat the challenges of youth vaping and to protect future generations from the risks of nicotine addiction. I will concentrate mainly on vaping from now on, because although vaping is an important means of smoking cessation, I remain concerned about the number of people, especially children, who are vaping and consuming nicotine without ever having been smokers. Earlier this year, the Office for National Statistics confirmed that over a million people across England, Scotland and Wales are in that category, and the figure has doubled since 2021. Overall, the number of people using vapes and e-cigarettes daily or occasionally has quickly overtaken the number of people who smoke, and the number continues to rise, especially among young people, even while smoking rates decline. Public health analysis from last year found that 5% of children between year 7 and year 11 reported vaping at least weekly, with the proportion for year 11s rising to 13%. Similar fieldwork undertaken by ASH Wales in 2023 found that 92% of secondary school-aged vapers were using products containing nicotine and that almost half of them could not go through the whole school day without vaping. Moreover, 55% of the vaping products being used were identified as being highly likely to be illegal.<span id="250WH" class="column-number" data-column-number="250WH"></span> These patterns are extremely concerning, and we need to go further and faster to bear down on the illegal and immoral parts of this industry that is preying on our young people. Last month, I was pleased to be able to host a roundtable here in Parliament to consider how the provisions of the Tobacco and Vapes Act 2026 can be further strengthened to bear down on those trends. Attendees noted that, as we have heard, there is a wide spectrum of vape shops, ranging from corner shops to specialist retailers. There is a considerable discrepancy between the two ends of the spectrum. Currently, customers should be able to expect clear and consistent retail standards, with a focus on smoking cessation at their heart. I ask the Minister to outline what steps she is taking to level up retail standards for vape shops so that customers know what to expect. At that roundtable, we also discussed imported vape products, particularly the high-capacity “big puff” devices. They should be held to the same standard as vape products manufactured in the UK. Consequently, will the Minister say what conversations she has had with the Treasury to ensure that our UK Border Force and local trading standards teams are effectively resourced to perform effective spot-checks at the borders and in retail establishments? The Medicines and Healthcare products Regulatory Agency also needs to be sufficiently financed to provide effective safety assurances. Proposals by the Government to regulate the appearance or operation of physical shops will have limited effect if unsafe or non-compliant products can still enter the market through online sales, direct imports or other routes. I could go on and on, but I dare not, because I am conscious of time. We need to get a grip on this problem and I look forward to the Minister answering my questions.

    Hansard source
  4. ParliamentRuth Jones

    Infants, Parents and Carers Bill

    It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Dame Siobhain. I commend my friend, the right hon. Member for New Forest West, for introducing this excellent Bill. I am so pleased that, as No. 1 in the ballot, he chose this issue and to build on the work of Dame Andrea Leadsom in the other place. So many people in this Parliament, including my hon. Friend the Member for Washington and Gateshead South, have done so much good work to make sure that the Bill comes to fruition. I spoke in support of the Bill on Second Reading, which was a real honour, and I would like to speak today in support of amendment 1, tabled by my hon. Friend the Member for Lowestoft. I take on board what the right hon. Member for New Forest West said about the Bill’s intricacies—I defer to his abundant knowledge of intricacies, because he knows far more in this place than I do—but I support the amendment because it is all about the inequalities. We also know that a number of charities and NGOs support the amendment. There are currently stark and stubborn inequalities in outcomes in the UK, and factors including ethnicity, family income, geography and disability are all associated with differences in the likelihood of parents and babies surviving pregnancy and the first parts of life. It is also so important to ensure that they are healthy and developing well as they go forward. The amendment would not prescribe which services the Government must provide, nor would it require them to achieve specific outcomes through any single service. Instead, it would require the Government to understand and report on whether babies and their parents are doing well, where inequalities exist, and whether they change over time. Putting those requirements on the face of the Bill would ensure that outcomes and inequalities remain a consistent part of the Government’s assessment and reporting, regardless of future changes in policy, Parliament or personnel. Those were the important points for me. Obviously, I defer to the right hon. Gentleman’s interpretation, but it is important to recognise that we cannot go forward with a Bill unless we know what it is measuring. We need a baseline, and we then need to be able to return to the data, year after year, and ask <span id="12" class="column-number" data-column-number="12"></span>whether we are making progress. It is an issue if we cannot do that, because we cannot then adequately amend services to make sure that they work in the future. I declare an interest as a physiotherapist for 32 years, many of which I spent as a paediatric physio, so I know how important the Bill is for pre-term babies, when they are in the womb. My physiotherapy colleagues now treat babies in the womb, which is amazing stuff, and surgeons also operate in the womb. The first 1,000 days are really important, as the right hon. Gentleman said, and this is about conception through to the first couple of years, as well as pre-conception planning. Once the baby is born, whether or not they are born pre-term and go to a neonatal intensive care unit—in my day we called it a special care baby unit—we know that those first 1,000 days are so important for every baby across the UK. I say that as a Welsh MP, because Flying Start in Wales never went away—it is a bit shaky, but it never went away, compared with Sure Start in England. It is really important to make sure we have a level playing field for all mums and babies. The evidence is clear that a brain needs stimulation from day one, because its neuroplasticity becomes so much less after the age of five. That is really important. Whether or not the amendment is accepted, I believe this is an excellent Bill. It is a good start that allows us to go forward united and make sure that we do the best we possibly can for parents and babies in the future. I pay tribute to the hard work undertaken by all the right hon. and hon. Members who have been here much longer than I have, and I look forward to hearing what the Minister has to say.

    Hansard source
  5. ParliamentRuth Jones

    Hares

    I beg to move, That leave be given to bring in a Bill to establish a close season, from the start of February to the end of September, during which the killing or taking of brown hares is prohibited; to protect mountain hares; to repeal the seasonal prohibition on the sale of hares in the Hares Preservation Act 1892; and for connected purposes. Before starting my speech, I pay tribute to the work of Baroness Helic in the other place. She has been a tireless champion of this cause alongside the wider animal welfare sector, and it has been a privilege to work alongside her in putting together this Bill. Despite being affectionately heralded as an inhabitant of the British countryside and featuring in the Bank of England’s recent banknote competition—it came fifth—the brown hare is not originally native to these lands. The species is thought to have originated in central Asia and spread across Europe alongside the expansion of agriculture. Academics believe that the brown hare was introduced to Britain following the Roman invasion, although some suggest that hares may have arrived even before the Romans. Following the introduction of hares to Britain, the hare population continued to grow, peaking in the 18th and 19th centuries. Agricultural reforms, land enclosure and predator control on larger estates all created favourable conditions for hares—unlike other species—to thrive. Experts at the University of Bristol estimate that the hare population reached 4 million in the late 19th century. As a result, the species became deeply embedded in rural culture and folklore. However, those conditions were not to last. By the early 1990s, gamekeepers and rural ecologists were beginning to sound the alarm. Brown hare numbers had declined sharply, especially since the 1960s. The national brown hare survey organised by Hutchings and Harris in 1996 estimated that the brown hare population had fallen to as low as 817,000—barely a fifth of its number 100 years ago. Hare numbers were estimated to be falling by 2% a year during the 1990s. Shooting, coursing and poaching were specifically cited as a cause of the decline, alongside wider changes in farming intensification, decreasing crop diversity, and the loss of headlands and hedgerows. Despite brown hares being a priority species since 1992, their estimated number continued to decline, with targets to double the spring population by 2010 missed. Estimates in 2022 put the population at fewer than 600,000, with surveys such as the one done by the British Trust for Ornithology reporting a recovery only in the last few years. It is that worrisome decline that my Bill seeks to respond to by building on existing best practice to protect local hare populations. Principally, it would do so through the introduction of a statutory close season for the killing of hares in England and Wales. Hares are currently the only game species in England and Wales without a statutory close season, and they may therefore be killed throughout the year. That makes England and Wales outliers compared with Scotland, <span id="227" class="column-number" data-column-number="227"></span>Northern Ireland and the rest of Europe. That gap in protection makes brown hare populations uniquely vulnerable to commercial shooting. Most organised hare shoots take place during February and March, following the closure of the game bird shooting season. This almost exactly aligns with the hare breeding season, meaning that shoots can devastate the local population. The Game &amp; Wildlife Conservation Trust estimated that “a February hare shoot can remove 60% of the breeding stock.” In low population areas, such devastation can pose the risk of localised extinction. Such impacts are already reflected in guidance and voluntary codes, which have clearly proven ineffective. Researchers at the University of Bristol found that shooting hares in February resulted in a profoundly damaging combination of population shrinkage and the orphaning of leverets, with consequent animal welfare impacts and poor population recovery outcomes. Put simply, the killing of pregnant or nursing female hares during their principal breeding season cannot be reconciled with a modern and coherent approach to animal welfare. At a time when we are committed to restoring nature and biodiversity, such reckless practices only risk putting brown hare populations at further risk. When considering the welfare of hares across England and Wales, it is critical that we do not neglect mountain hares, the upland cousin of the more common brown hare. While their numbers have declined significantly since the 19th century, the Peak district maintains an established wild breeding population in the Dark Peak of Derbyshire and South Yorkshire. In Wales, however, the mountain hare population has all but disappeared, despite efforts to reintroduce the species in historical habitats. The lack of any specific wildlife protections for mountain hares in England and Wales has been a key contributor to their decline, with moorland and scrubland habitats being lost and intensive culling efforts linked to red grouse shooting. In responding to the intensifying threats to mountain hare populations, in 2021 the Scottish Government extended full protection under schedule 5 to the Wildlife and Countryside Act 1981—a crucial step, given that Scotland is home to most of the native British mountain <span id="228" class="column-number" data-column-number="228"></span>hare population. Clause 4 of my Bill seeks to extend the same protections afforded to mountain hares in Scotland to those in England and Wales. That would mean it would become generally unlawful to intentionally or recklessly kill, injure or take a mountain hare without a licence. By providing greater protection, we can give this vulnerable species the breathing room that it needs to recover, boosting local ecology in the process. Having seen hares out and about on spring, summer and autumn evenings near my static caravan in St Davids in west Wales, I know it is a delight to watch them, and I want to ensure that we make all efforts to protect these marvellous little creatures. This Labour Government were elected on a commitment to deliver the biggest increase to animal welfare in a generation, providing increased protection for domestic, farmed and wild animals. The recently published animal welfare strategy was a major first step in delivering that, including a priority commitment to introducing a close season for hares. This Government have also committed to reversing ecological decline and boosting species abundance. We have had the warm words; now it is time for action. The Government must urgently back this Bill or an equivalent in the other place to introduce a close season and better protect our hares. Deeds, not words, will determine how this Government are judged before the next election, and that applies to animal welfare and the environment as much as anything else. I commend this Bill to the House. <em>Question put and agreed to.</em> <em>Ordered,</em> That Ruth Jones, Irene Campbell, Sir Desmond Swayne, Kerry McCarthy, Sir Roger Gale, Neil Duncan-Jordan, Tim Farron, Ben Lake, Tonia Antoniazzi, Terry Jermy and Simon Hoare present the Bill. Ruth Jones accordingly presented the Bill. <em>Bill read the First time; to be read a Second time </em><em>on </em><em>Friday 19 March 2027, and to be printed (Bill 154).</em>

    Hansard source
  6. ParliamentRuth Jones

    House of Commons

    I beg to move, That the House sit in private. <em>Question</em><em> put forthwith (Standing Order No.163)</em>

    Hansard source
  7. ParliamentRuth Jones

    Infants, Parents and Carers Bill

    I pay tribute to the hon. Member for Stoke-on-Trent South (Dr Gardner) for her emotional contribution, and I hope baby Chloe’s mum feels that her case has been aired here today. I thank the right hon. Member for New Forest West (Sir Desmond Swayne) for introducing the Bill. It is a really important one. Infants, parents and carers—it covers it all. He has paid tribute to all those whose work he is building on, such as Dame Andrea Leadsom, Tessa Jowell and my good friend and previous office buddy, the hon. Member for Washington and Gateshead South (Mrs Hodgson). What does this Bill do? It proposes a legislative framework focused on three linked elements in infant support services: assessment of need, provision of services and reporting. We cannot get anything right until we know what is happening, so assessment is critical. As the right hon. Member for New Forest West said, it is a short Bill, but it is a high-level one. I am sure that in Committee the Bill will be gone through with a fine-toothed comb and that the Minister will have a lot to work on from it. Why 1,001 days? We have already heard clearly the evidence about the 1,001 days from conception to two years old. From my 30 years’ experience as a paediatric physiotherapist, I know just how important that period is. I could see how important the care was that the mum received during pregnancy. I have seen babies born with foetal alcohol syndrome and babies who are six hours old going through heroin withdrawal. We must not see these things again. We must do what we can to stop this, and that is why the Bill is so important. Madam Deputy Speaker, you may be asking why a Welsh MP is talking about a Bill that applies only to England, but my experience in the Welsh services, as well as the English services, showed me just how important the early days are. That is why Sure Start was so important, and in Wales we have Flying Start. We know that if a mum goes to regular antenatal checks and has the scans, things can now be picked up very early. We can actually treat children in the womb. That is fantastic news and can ensure a great start for any baby who has problems that are discovered before birth. Obviously, after birth, the use of health visitors is vital. We have already talked about home visits. It is not enough to have an online visit. Baby P was a clear example of what can go wrong. Professionals can be hoodwinked, and that is not right—we need face-to-face visits. When I was a physiotherapist, home visits told <span id="621" class="column-number" data-column-number="621"></span>me so much about the family. By just walking through the door I could tell what level of money they had or what it smelled like. I would know what was going on in that family and intuitively how much more help they might need. We have heard clearly today about the history of the erosion of Sure Start. It is important that services are set out in statute, so that they cannot be eroded. The evidence is clear that 1 million neuropathways are set up every second, as my hon. Friend the Member for Washington and Gateshead South said. We also know from the terrible evidence of children who have been isolated in orphanages with a lack of stimulation and the problems that they had that that ground can never be made up. That is why this Bill is so important. We need a level playing field in order to bring everybody up to a suitable level. I could go on and on, but I will not. I am proud of what has been achieved by Labour Governments in the past, but I am equally proud of what this Bill will do in the future, and I thank the right hon. Member for New Forest West for bringing it forward today.

    Hansard source
  8. ParliamentRuth Jones

    Child Poverty

    <Question HRSContentId="{7EA36802-27FE-4937-9EB1-B3BBC099C5F0}">3. <QuestionText HRSContentId="{E8FA3063-23E5-4AD9-BE41-7ECE63B73A86}">What steps he is taking with Cabinet colleagues to help reduce child poverty in Wales.</QuestionText> </Question>

    Hansard source
  9. ParliamentRuth Jones

    Child Poverty

    I welcome the Secretary of State to his place and wish him well in his new job. As he will be aware, the Welsh Affairs Committee has launched an inquiry into child poverty in Wales, which stands stubbornly high at 31%. With a new minority Government elected in Cardiff Bay and many of the levers relating to child poverty split between the UK and Welsh Governments, what conversations has he had with Senedd Ministers regarding ending child poverty in Wales?

    Hansard source
  10. ParliamentRuth Jones

    Air Pollution

    It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship this afternoon, Mr Efford. I thank my hon. Friend the Member for Brent West (Barry Gardiner) for bringing forward this debate and for his powerful and passionate speech. We know the effects of air pollution. In the previous Parliament, I was proud to serve my party as the shadow Minister responsible for air quality. As a consequence, I remain extremely passionate about this. Also, in a previous life—in my youthful life before this place—I was a physiotherapist, and I treated people with breathing conditions. I treated miners with pneumoconiosis and silicosis, people young and old with asthma, and patients with chronic obstructive pulmonary disease. Those are very real symptoms of the environments that we live in today. Scientific studies have shown that air pollution is a major cause of disease and premature death. Those exposed to dirty air face an increased risk of heart disease, respiratory deterioration and even dementia. Fine particles can enter deep into the lungs, affecting blood vessels and respiratory function. The link between <span id="494WH" class="column-number" data-column-number="494WH"></span>air pollution and poor respiratory health was laid out by my hon. Friend the Member for Brent West in relation to Ella Adoo-Kissi-Debrah, who died back in 2013 aged just nine. I was privileged to meet her mum Rosamund a couple of days ago—again, after a long break. It was really good to see her, and I pay tribute to her for all her campaigning to get this silent killer back on the agenda—it is really important that that happens. I appreciate that the Minister is standing in today. We know a lot about water pollution—a great deal is made about it, and that is fine—but it does not kill thousands, as air pollution does. Air quality is a key social justice issue, because it is not uniform; its impacts are often felt most among those who are already vulnerable. It is our most deprived communities, who already suffer from the worst social determinants of health, who experience the worst air quality. If this Government are to be defined by their breaking down of barriers to opportunity, tackling social determinants of health, such as poor air quality, must be a priority. We know that poorer people live near dual carriageways and busy main roads, which contribute to poorer health—the evidence is clear. Certainly, as a shadow Minister, I went on a number of walkabouts with a personal air monitor on. I could see the results there and then, and they were stark. I am not even going to mention the tube; it was very frightening. However, we do need to know where pollution hotspots are, because then we can do something about tackling them. The clear, detrimental health impacts of continued exposure to air pollution led the World Health Organisation to revise its guidance in 2021, to state that there are no safe levels of air pollution. That is a fact: there are no safe levels. That updated guidance now means that UK air pollution limits, first adopted in 2010, are significantly out of date, with targets for nitrous oxides and PM<sub>2.5</sub> emissions being four times those now adopted by the WHO. I therefore ask the Minister what consideration the Department has given the updated WHO guidelines, and what steps it is taking to align UK regulations with those standards. This year marks the 70th anniversary of the UK’s Clean Air Act 1956. Given the ongoing and pressing health emergency posed by air pollution, there is a clear need to update it. We need a new clean air Act that is fit for the present day. We know that local authorities play a critical role in delivering local improvements in air quality, but they need the funding, enforcement powers and clear national backing to do so effectively. A new clean air Act would really help them in their challenges. I pay tribute to one of my local councils, Newport city council, for its fleet of electric buses. It is doing its bit, but it needs help to do even more. What steps has the Department taken to update the Clean Air Act, drawing on national and international best practice? Will the Minister outline what conversations the Department has had with the Treasury and the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government on greater financial support for local authorities to take action to tackle air pollution hotspots? This Labour Government are committed to protecting our environment, rebuilding our NHS and breaking down barriers to opportunity, but we cannot deliver on those targets if we continue to overlook the significant impact of poor air quality on people’s health, particularly the poor and the young. Tackling air pollution is an <span id="495WH" class="column-number" data-column-number="495WH"></span>investment in the next generation. We cannot let our children continue to pay the price for continued inaction. We need a new clean air Act and we need it now. I look forward to hearing the Minister outline a timetable for its introduction.

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2024 General Election: Newport West and Islwyn

Held . Recorded result: Lab Hold. Majority 8,868. 41,951 votes cast from an electorate of 75,785. Parties are as each candidate stood at the time.

CandidatePartyVotesShare
Ruth JonesLabour17,40941.5%
Paul TaylorReform UK8,54120.4%
Nick JonesConservative6,71016.0%
Brandon HamPlaid Cymru3,5298.4%
Mike HamiltonLiberal Democrat2,0875.0%
Kerry VosperGreen Party2,0785.0%
George EtheridgeIndependent1,5973.8%

Election result on Parliament's site

Parliamentary career

Seats held

SeatDates
Newport West and IslwynElected 1 time – present
Newport WestElected 2 times –

Opposition posts

PostDates
Shadow Minister (Environment, Food and Rural Affairs)Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs –
Committee memberships 19
CommitteeDates
Liaison Sub-Committee on Core Tasks of Select Committees – present
Infants, Parents and Carers Bill – present
Victims and Courts Bill –
Liaison Sub-Committee on National Policy Statements – present
Dogs (Protection of Livestock) (Amendment) Bill – present
Animal Welfare (Import of Dogs, Cats and Ferrets) Bill –
Liaison Committee (Commons) – present
Welsh Affairs CommitteeChair – present
Community and Suspended Sentences (Notification of Details) Bill –
Special Envoy for Freedom of Religion or Belief Bill (Formerly known as International Freedom of Religion or Belief Bill) –
Paternity Leave (Bereavement) Bill (Formerly known as Shared Parental Leave and Pay (Bereavement) Bill) –
Genetic Technology (Precision Breeding) Bill –
Animal Welfare (Sentience) Bill [HL] –
Down Syndrome Bill –
Welsh Grand Committee –
Glue Traps (Offences) Bill –
Welsh Affairs Committee –
Business, Innovation, Science and Trade Committee –
Environmental Audit Committee –

Elections contested without winning

ConstituencyDate
Monmouth
Monmouth

Career on Parliament's site

Published contact details

Parliamentary office

House of Commons, London, SW1A 0AA

020 7219 8921

[email protected]

Constituency office

2-3 Llanover Buildings , Victoria Terrace , Newbridge , NP11 4EX

01633 256268

X (formerly Twitter)

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