The Global Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law Sanctions Regulations 2026
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Mr Stringer. These regulations are important in their potential and, of course, in their application. I very much welcome the Government’s recognition that Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territory is unlawful, in line with the International Court of Justice’s historic 2024 opinion. I also welcome the associated sanctions package, including the regulations before us today, as an important first step towards meeting our obligations under that ICJ ruling.<span id="13" class="column-number" data-column-number="13"></span> These regulations add grounds for sanctions, including for serious violations of international humanitarian law, for serious breaches of liberty and security, and for aid obstruction. Used effectively and quickly, these powers can help to prevent further crimes and can help to ensure accountability for those crimes already committed. I have four key points for the Minister, and I would welcome a response. First, what counts as a serious violation of international humanitarian law? Will the Minister confirm that, as a minimum, the definition will follow that of the International Committee of the Red Cross? The ICRC’s role, under the Geneva conventions, makes it an authoritative voice on the rules of war. The ICRC states that “‘Serious violations of international humanitarian law’ are ‘war crimes.’ The two terms are…interchangeable”. Will these regulations apply when an occupying power transfers its civilians into occupied territory, forcibly transfers an occupied population or deliberately attacks civilians or civilian infrastructure? These are war crimes that Israel has repeatedly carried out. Will these powers cover international humanitarian law violations across all Israeli settlements, not just new ones, and be applicable to those financing such violations? Secondly, on aid, here—as with E1—urgent designations against those meeting the legal tests can make a real difference. Regulation 4(4) creates new grounds regarding aid obstruction. With winter approaching, aid is again being blocked when it comes to Gaza. Last week, Israeli political figures joined a blockade of aid trucks bound for Gaza. Without naming individuals here, will the Minister confirm that the Government are preparing sanctions against those obstructing or supporting the delivery of aid to Gaza this winter? Will the Minister confirm that these regulations can apply to officials, politicians and private entities, including UK charities responsible not only for physical blockades, but administrative obstruction of aid, including decisions on permits, crossings and those financing aid obstruction? Thirdly, these powers must apply to those funding and supporting violations. Regulation 8 makes it clear that an “involved person” includes those supporting IHL violations, as well as direct perpetrators. Back in March 2022, the Government targeted six banks in a package aimed at key industries supporting Russia’s illegal invasion of Ukraine. We need the same determination to stop money flowing from or through the UK to sustain illegal Israeli settlements or the wider unlawful occupation. Will the Minister make it clear today that banks, charities, financiers, contractors, insurers and technology companies supporting these international humanitarian law violations risk sanctions? Finally, these regulations will need to be accompanied by additional Foreign, Commonwealth and Development Office resources to tackle Israeli war crimes. Will the Government provide the staff, the legal expertise and the resources on a scale matching their work on sanctions against Russia?