Conservative and Unionist Party MP for Farnham and Bordon since (elected).
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| Party | Office | Area | Period | Began | Ended | Source |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Conservative | MP | Farnham and Bordon | – present | elected | — | Party history |
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<Question HRSContentId="{ABAAC562-8C44-4F90-9F6B-4FC55094AFE5}">12. <QuestionText HRSContentId="{62D0C30E-0B2C-45E9-ACC7-14CB4453D65A}">What her planned timetable is for introducing the commonhold and leasehold reform Bill.</QuestionText> </Question>
I recently met constituents in Grayshott and Haslemere who face poor communication from managing agents, with little transparency on where the service charges and costs that they are forced to pay go. Meanwhile, Surrey and Hampshire are set to lose out under the Government’s funding review, leaving many of those same residents facing higher council tax bills. Will the Secretary of State finally tell us when the leasehold reform Bill will be published, and give a guarantee that any savings delivered through that reform will not simply be wiped out by the higher council tax bills caused by her Government’s funding decisions?
<Question HRSContentId="{7AAAE1AE-D109-4DF0-9805-8D424F26E507}">T2. <QuestionText HRSContentId="{B0829464-45D7-4B47-B3A2-D5017828F7D7}"></QuestionText>Unlike my constituents, Mr Speaker, you are lucky enough not to have to suffer the weekly misery of South Western Railway. I surveyed my constituents recently and asked them what they wanted from the first nationalised rail service, now that we are paying for it. Their priorities were clear: they want more services from Liphook, more carriages at Haslemere, faster journeys from Farnham and any access at all from Whitehill and Bordon. Will the Minister commit to meeting me to get those four rather simple things done soon?</Question>
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Stuart. I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Christchurch (Sir Christopher Chope) on securing this debate. He has pressed this issue for many years under Conservative and Labour Governments and he deserves credit for his persistence. I want to begin where the inquiry did: with success. Baroness Hallett described the UK’s vaccine development as one of the success stories of the pandemic, and I am <span id="128WH" class="column-number" data-column-number="128WH"></span>proud of the leading role that the Conservative Government played in that. They backed vaccines early and, at risk, set up the vaccine taskforce under Kate Bingham. On 2 December 2020, the UK became the first country in the world to approve the Pfizer vaccine. In 2021, some 132 million doses were given—the largest vaccination programme in our history. The credit belongs to the scientists, the NHS workers, the pharmacists, the 360,000 volunteers who signed up for trials and the public. The inquiry’s report is not only a story of success, though. Its five recommendations set out what must be done better, and the Government’s response, published on 16 October, needs scrutiny. The Government agreed with recommendation 4, which is about having faster access to health data so that the MHRA can monitor vaccine safety, but say they will need “significant investment over time”. There is no timeline or funding promise. Reports to the yellow card scheme rose by 75% between 2020 and 2022, which shows that people are willing to report. The system must be able to act on what they tell it. As my hon. Friend the Member for Christchurch said, recommendation 5 is where the response is weakest. The inquiry said the Government “must reform the Vaccine Damage Payment Scheme as soon as possible.” It set out a minimum of four reforms: raise the £120,000 payment, at least in line with inflation, and uprate it annually; introduce multiple levels of payment, according to the degree of injury; and provide fair transitional arrangements. As my hon. Friend the Member for Bromsgrove (Bradley Thomas) said, the Government’s response gives no date, no figure and no commitment to any of those recommendations. Meanwhile the cost of administering the scheme rose from £8.9 million in 2022-23 to £29.2 million in 2025-26. It cost around £83 million across four years. By my reckoning, awards over the same period came to about £31 million. A scheme that spends more than twice as much on administration as on compensation is not working for taxpayers or the claimants. My right hon. Friend the Member for Louth and Horncastle (Victoria Atkins) ordered a review of the scheme before the last election, and I wish it had concluded sooner. But this Government have now had more than two years. I concede that on this occasion, the Government kept their word and responded within six months, but a response delivered on time is not the same as a response that commits to anything and, as I say, there is still no timetable. As my right hon. and learned Friend the Member for Kenilworth and Southam (Sir Jeremy Wright) so eloquently put it, vaccine confidence matters. The best way to protect it is to show that when something goes wrong, the state stands behind the person. The vaccine programme was a success. Let us make sure that the system built around it is worthy of that success. I have a number of questions to ask the Minister. First, will the Government set out a timetable for their review of the vaccine damage payment scheme and the reforms they intend to make? Secondly, which of the inquiry’s four minimum reforms will the Government commit to? Thirdly, will they look again at the 60% threshold, set performance targets for processing claims and bring administration costs under control? Fourthly, will they strengthen the yellow card scheme with funding <span id="129WH" class="column-number" data-column-number="129WH"></span>commitments and a date for the health data framework? Fifthly, will the Minister meet with my right hon. Friend the Member for Tatton (Esther McVey), who has been seeking a meeting for a long time? Finally, will the Minister bring forward proposals before Second Reading of the Bill introduced by my hon. Friend the Member for Christchurch, which, as he mentioned, is scheduled on 15 January? My hon. Friend and I look forward to hearing the Minister’s response.
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Dr Murrison. I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Berwickshire, Roxburgh and Selkirk (John Lamont) on securing the debate and speaking on behalf of the Petitions Committee. I thank all Members who have spoken powerfully and in a considered manner, whichever side of the argument they are on, and the 100,000-plus people who signed the petition, including the 198 from my constituency. My thoughts go out to all those in my constituency and across the country who are affected by this terrible illness. In November 2024, I supported Cancer Testing South—run by one of my constituents—at a free screening event in Bordon. I took a PSA test myself. It was quick and simple, and it gave me peace of mind. It showed how important it is to make testing accessible and to reach men who might never otherwise consider it.
I thank my hon. Friend for the work of her constituents in that important area. I must also recognise the previous Government’s work, particularly that of my right hon. Friend the Member for Richmond and Northallerton (Rishi Sunak)—whose commitment has continued beyond his time in office, as we have seen today—and that of my noble Friend Lord Cameron of Chipping Norton and my right hon. Friend the Member for Braintree (Sir James Cleverly). With Prostate Cancer UK, we as the Conservative Government committed £42 million to launch Transform, the largest prostate cancer screening trial in the world. I welcome some of what the current Government have done, but important questions remain about access to testing, identifying men at highest risk and how evidence will translate into policy. First, on PSA testing guidance, as raised by my hon. Friends the Members for Hinckley and Bosworth (Dr Evans) and for Huntingdon (Ben Obese-Jecty), the guidance setting out the right of men over 50 to request a PSA test was withdrawn earlier this year. The Government say that policy has not changed and attribute the concerns to “misinformed media coverage”, yet a written answer in September confirmed that no impact assessment was undertaken because there was “no change in policy to assess.” If the policy had not changed, why was the guidance withdrawn? And how was it established that the change had no impact without an assessment? On 21 October, the Government said that “officials continue to work with NICE”, which does not clarify whether the changes to the clinical knowledge summary were discussed. Prostate Cancer Research has asked the Department to confirm that higher-risk men can still access a PSA test once informed of its risks and benefits. As of 14 October, it has had no reply. Will the Minister confirm clearly that those men can access testing?<span id="22WH" class="column-number" data-column-number="22WH"></span> Secondly, on support for those at the highest risk, I of course respect the committee’s independence while it reviews the evidence, but the Government can take practical steps in the meantime. Prostate Cancer UK has called for GPs to inform black men and men with a family history of their elevated risk and to offer them a PSA test. What will the Government do to improve access for such men now, rather than leaving them to wait years for the wider review? Thirdly, on identifying BRCA2 carriers, an estimated 13,000 men carry that variant, yet most have never been tested and do not know. <em>The Telegraph</em> reported that only about 1,500 men will be invited for testing next year. How will the programme reach the wider population whom it is meant to benefit? The committee’s consultation document stated: “DHSC analysts are undertaking an exercise to estimate the cost of identifying new BRCA variant carriers.” Has that work been completed? Will it be published? What will the Government do to identify men who carry the variant without knowing it? Fourthly, on Transform and the NSC model, the committee will work with SCHARR—the Sheffield centre for health and related research—to update its modelling in the light of the trial’s findings, in particular for black men. It will also examine risk algorithms and biomarkers, including the Stockholm3 test, and whether family history can be more tightly defined. That work of course matters, but its impact depends on how quickly findings inform decisions and whether the public can see what is happening. Will the Minister commit to publishing by January of next year a dated programme for updating the model, covering the biomarker review and family history work, and reporting to this House every six months? Will she set a named decision point for black men, tied to the results of Transform’s first stage so that reconsideration does not default to the next scheduled review in 2029? What evidence will trigger a change to that model, and will independent experts be given access to it on terms similar to those NICE offers for medicines so that the assumptions can be tested? Finally, I have some questions about how the value of screening is judged. Since April, NICE has been able to approve a medicine for advanced prostate cancer at up to £35,000 per quality-adjusted life year—a threshold raised as part of the trade deal with the United States. The screening committee judged earlier detection against a figure of £20,000. Why does the NHS now appear to value treating late-stage prostate cancer more highly than preventing it? Will the committee’s forthcoming methods guide bring the two thresholds into line? In conclusion, I recognise the committee’s concerns about the harms of population-wide PSA screening, including overdiagnosis and treatment, and the uncertainties in the evidence for black men.
My hon. Friend is a great champion for his constituents, especially on this issue but on others as well. He is absolutely right that while the committee is making its evidential findings, there is nothing to stop the Government promoting a number of these ways to make sure that those at highest risk are getting treatment as soon as possible. Cancer Research UK has highlighted the risks too. As my hon. Friend said, screening must be evidence-led, but Transform exists to address the limits of existing evidence, and improvements in testing and MRI-led pathways offer ways to improve how men are assessed, as many Members have mentioned. Uncertainty must not be the end; it must lead to research and progress, not delay. The former shadow Health Secretary, my right hon. Friend the Member for Daventry (Stuart Andrew), set out the position of His Majesty’s Opposition last August. He said we would “back the latest evidence and research to ensure patient care remains at the heart of testing guidance.” That is clearly the right approach: act where the evidence supports it, accelerate research where questions remain, and be clear about when decisions will be made. Men must not be disadvantaged by circumstances beyond their control. One may have no family records because his father died young, for example; another may simply want to discuss his risk with his GP. As my right hon. Friend said, no man with potential prostate cancer symptoms should be denied a test because of poor family records. To conclude, His Majesty’s loyal Opposition support targeted screening for men at highest risk, Transform and the committee’s evidence-led approach. But we need clear guidance from the Government on PSA testing, practical support for men at the highest risk, a credible plan to identify BRCA2 carriers and a dated timetable for the model, with independent scrutiny of it and transparency about how Transform will shape policy. I hope the Minister will address those questions directly now; if not, will she write to me and set out clearly what patients can expect next?
Step-down beds in community hospitals, such as the Chase community hospital and Haslemere hospital in my constituency, are vital. Unfortunately, neither of those two hospitals is being used for that purpose at the moment. At the same time, delayed discharges have hit an all-time high under this Government. More than 14,000 patients a day are stuck in hospital for two weeks or more after being declared fit to leave—that is up 12% since July last year. Behind every one of those numbers is someone who wants to be at home and an acute bed that another patient desperately needs. Why are the Government failing so abysmally at getting people out of hospital and into care at home?
It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Ms Vaz. I congratulate my hon. Friend the Member for Harrow East (Bob Blackman) and the hon. Member for City of Durham (Mary Kelly Foy) on securing this debate. I thank my hon. Friend for his tireless campaigning on this issue over many years. Smoking remains the single largest preventable cause of cancer, and the prize for tackling it is enormous: fewer deaths, shorter waiting lists and a healthier country. We on the Opposition Benches will support action that works and will hold the Government to account on the delivery of it. As has been mentioned, common ground has been found on this subject throughout the House. I am glad to put on record my party’s appreciation and my thanks to the Government for carrying a Conservative Bill over the line when what was for most of us a rather unexpected general election interrupted progress. Let me start with that record. The ambition for England to be smoke-free by 2030 was set under a Conservative Government in 2019. The Khan review, commissioned by a Conservative Health Secretary, called for investment in a Smokefree 2030 programme, a rising age of sale, vaping as a substitute for smoking, and stop smoking support at the heart of the NHS. In 2023, we committed an extra £70 million a year to local stop smoking services, more than doubling annual spend to £138 million. Swap to Stop gave almost one in five smokers in England a vape starter kit alongside behavioural support. We put stop smoking advisers in maternity units and introduced incentives for pregnant smokers to stop, and smoking at time of delivery is now at an all-time low. We also began targeted lung cancer screening.<span id="256WH" class="column-number" data-column-number="256WH"></span> Before the election, as I said, we published the Tobacco and Vapes Bill. I served on the Bill Committee alongside the hon. Members for Falkirk (Euan Stainbank) and for City of Durham, so we remember the cross-party consensus that there was for most of that Bill. The outcome was that anyone born on or after 1 January 2009 will never be legally allowed to buy tobacco. We are proud of that and want it to work, but a law on the statute book does not cut smoking rates by itself. What happens next is what counts, and I want to raise five points with the Minister. The first is about the target. The Office for National Statistics tells us that 9.8% of adults, or about 4.9 million people, smoked in 2025. That was down from 10.6% the year before. Of course that is welcome, but smoke-free, in definition, means below 5%. On this trajectory, unfortunately, the 2030 target will be missed. I do not say that to point-score, but candour matters. Canada has set a target of under 5% by 2035, and Belgium and the Netherlands a target of under 5% by 2040, with interim targets and goals for young people. If the Government accept the Office for National Statistics figures and that the 2030 target will be missed, they should say so, set a new date and publish an outline plan. Cancer Research UK and ASH both want a new road map and tobacco control plan. Will the Minister commit to one, and when? Secondly, on support to quit, ASH has warned that hospitals stop smoking services are being squeezed as ICB budgets are reduced. The Government promised opt-out cessation support in routine hospital care. So where is it? The national cancer plan lists implementing the Act as a key action and promises to fund stop smoking services, but it says very little on the delivery. A target without a funded service is an aspiration, not a policy. That support must also reach the people who need it most. In the Tobacco and Vapes Bill Committee, I noted that manual and routine workers are 2.6 times more likely to smoke than managers. ASH now points to social housing, the economically inactive, people with no qualifications and those with poor mental health. How will the Government ensure that these gains are shared? Thirdly, on enforcement and proportionality, Ministers are bringing in a ban on free samples from 29 October; a marketing and sponsorship ban from June of next year; wider standardised packaging, flavour and design rules; licensing; planning permission requirements for vape shops; and extended smoke-free places. All of that regulation lands on trading standards and councils. In the Bill Committee, my hon. Friend the Member for Sleaford and North Hykeham (Dr Johnson) asked trading standards witnesses whether they would have the resources. I warned that online and cross-border sales are the hardest to police. A rule that is not enforced is not really a rule. So what extra resources will trading standards receive, and when? Rules must also be proportionate. The Government have taken wide powers to extend smoke-free places. The amendment my hon. Friend tabled to the Bill to limit them to places with a provable significant risk to public health was unfortunately rejected. In Committee, I asked the then Minister for a firm commitment on outdoor hospitality; unfortunately, essentially saying that it might not be the right time is not a decent response. Pubs and restaurants are under all sorts of pressures. Will the Minister therefore confirm that they are not in scope in terms of their outside seating?<span id="257WH" class="column-number" data-column-number="257WH"></span> Fourthly, on vaping, we have always backed vaping as a route out of smoking for adults, as the hon. Member for Newcastle upon Tyne East and Wallsend (Mary Glindon) said. In Committee, I said that what worries me most for our children is vapes. However, the Government can hold both positions at once, and the disposable vape ban, in force since June last year, was a step towards that. ASH suggests that disposable use has fallen significantly, which is encouraging. Yet, Ministers have said little about what they have found from that. As the Government review planning rules and business rates for vape shops, protecting children must be foremost. For example, on flavours, I urge the Minister to look hard at restricting the names that appeal to children—we talked about unicorn milk and the like endlessly in Committee—before removing options that help adults quit. I would also ask the Minister to revisit the case made by my hon. Friend the Member for South Northamptonshire (Sarah Bool) for exempting mental health settings from the vape vending machines ban. Finally, on lung health, respiratory disease is the third most common cause of death in the UK, yet there is no modern service framework for it. My hon. Friend the Member for Sleaford and North Hykeham tabled an amendment to the Health Bill requiring one within 18 months. Unfortunately, Government Ministers rejected it. Asthma + Lung UK has called for exactly that kind of mission for lung health. The Government have also committed to a full roll-out of lung cancer screening by 2030—a programme that the Conservative party started. Is it on track and is it funded? I want to close by paying tribute to a constituent, Yolanda, a volunteer for Cancer Research UK in my community, who has given her time to raise awareness of these issues. She lost her husband, and I put on record my condolences and my thanks. It is people like her working across our constituencies who remind us why the delivery of this is so important and why it matters. Will the Minister publish a new target and plan? Will she fund hospital stop smoking services and deliver opt-out support? Will she resource trading standards, rule out the hospitality element, report on the disposal vapes ban and reconsider a framework for respiratory disease? We all want this Act to succeed and I will support her in any way I can to deliver it.
I know that, like me, my hon. Friend is a champion of his local pubs. I put on the record that one of my local pubs, the Crown in Arford, has just won my “best pub” competition. On my hon. Friend’s point about taxation, we tax cigarettes to stop people smoking. If we tax jobs, we have fewer jobs, and if we tax economic growth, we have less economic growth. Why does he think that Labour does not get this?