Official portrait of Emily Darlington
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Emily Darlington

Labour Party MP for Milton Keynes Central since (elected). An MP continuously since .

Parliament recordVoting recordWritten questionsEarly day motions

Entries on this tracker

244

Each filed under the party they sat for that day

Register entries

5

As currently published

Declared while sitting for Labour

£7,932.06

4 of 5 entries state an amount

Party affiliation

PartyOfficeAreaPeriodBeganEndedSource
LabourMPMilton Keynes Central – presentelected—Party history

Parliament's party history for this member: Labour ( – present).

Register of interests

Every entry the member has in the Register of Members' Financial Interests, as Parliament currently publishes it. The wording and values are the member's own declarations; nothing here has been assessed by this site.

Totals add only the entries that declare an amount received: payments for work, donations, gifts, and funded visits (register categories 1.1, 2, 3, 4 and 5). Ongoing employment is listed but not added, because its figure is a rate rather than a sum received. Each entry is dated by when the benefit happened, not when it was registered, and placed under the party the member sat for on that date. A member who changed party therefore has a separate total for each.

DateCategoryEntryDeclared valueSitting forSource
2. Donations and supportLondon Northwestern Railway - £1,641.03£1,641.03LabourRegister record
3. Gifts, UK sourcesSilverstone - £4,300.00£4,300LabourRegister record
3. Gifts, UK sourcesBarbara Daniel - £350.00£350LabourRegister record
2. Donations and supportLondon Northwestern Railway - £1,641.03£1,641.03LabourRegister record
date registered6. Land and propertyProperty in London—LabourRegister record

Register on Parliament's site

Latest on this tracker 244

  1. ParliamentEmily Darlington

    Social Media: Ban for Under-16s

    I appreciate your helping me not to be in trouble with my Whips, Sir Roger. I want to start by saying that everyone in this room and in this place wants to protect children. We have different ways of getting there—some of us support the ban, some of us do not—but never be in any doubt that we recognise that there are problems and are debating the best solution. Do bans work? Well, let us follow the evidence. Hon. Members will not be surprised that, as a member of the Science and Technology Committee, I will look at the evidence for what has already worked and what is happening at the cutting edge of science right the way through. Bans do not work everywhere that they have been tried; in fact, the bad activity just moves. But the bans are designed by people who, like the majority of people here, other than my younger hon. Friends the Members for Hertford and Stortford (Josh Dean) and for North West Cambridgeshire (Sam Carling), are Gen X or baby boomers—I am not trying to be rude Our experience and understanding of social media is very different from our children’s. They do not see Facebook as social media because they do not care about Facebook. We could ban it all we want and they would be like, “I’ve never been on it in my life, nor do I ever intend to.” They understand that there is no difference between social media and other platforms because everything is now social media: every gaming platform, every chatroom and everything that we now see. Let us look at what actually matters and what is actually happening. I do not think it is part of the conversation: we hear a lot about TikTok, Instagram and Facebook because we know about those platforms, not because that is necessarily where children are getting harmed the most. I did a survey of more than 500 young people in Milton Keynes and, given that the number of signatories from Milton Keynes Central is 503, I think they all signed the petition and found three more signatories. They were clear about where they are spending time, where they have problems, where they see material that is not all right, and where they are approached by strangers. That is happening on the platforms that we do not talk about. YouTube has amazing educational content, but it is also one of the places of most harm. Roblox is a lot of fun for gaming but that platform, although it is advertised to children, is actually one of the worst. I do not know if any hon. Members know about “the Com” and “764”, which are groups on Roblox and Discord that recruit primarily vulnerable people. They get those people to video themselves while they are self-harming and have watch parties as they self-harm each other. If we do not include Roblox, Discord and 764, we are not protecting children. In the UK, child sexual abuse images are overwhelmingly shared and distributed via WhatsApp. The radicalisation and co-ordination for things such as the riots that we sometimes see on our streets is overwhelmingly happening on Telegram and Signal. We are not talking about those places. In fact, as my hon. Friend the Member for North <span id="278WH" class="column-number" data-column-number="278WH"></span>West Cambridgeshire said, it is a whack-a-mole approach if we write a list and then have to add platform names to it. In Australia, they would have to add LinkedIn to it because that is where people under 16 will now participate in the same kind of activity as they were before. We have taken important action. We have banned the taking of child sexual abuse pictures and videos at device level. That is really important. Let us look at what else could work and what the evidence tells us. My hon. Friend the Member for Aylesbury (Laura Kyrke-Smith) used the example of toys. She is right that we do not want toys or products that harm, but we do not ban the toy, we ban the thing that is wrong with it. Train sets used lead paint: we did not ban all train sets, we banned those with lead paint on them. We need to make it safe. That is why exemptions are so important: we need a route back because that will create behaviour change. We need safe places for children to learn, to play and to explore, as my hon. Friend the Member for Aylesbury said. Quite famously, I have published a nine-point plan, which I have shared quite extensively and spoken to industry about. Although it is not the be all and end all, it shows how we can create a path back if platforms meet its nine requirements. First, there should be no stranger contact: it should not be possible to contact a young person and take them on to another platform. That is not to say there are not important areas for which we could have mediated places that are safe for young people to explore sexuality and other things, but strangers should not be able to deliberately target young people on platforms. There should be no algorithm feed for under-12s. They should be using their executive function to choose what they want to watch next, not seeing what the algorithm thinks they should see. There should be only a limited algorithm feed for those aged 12 to 18. That is already happening on some platforms. In fact, some young people said to me, “I just turned 18 and I want to go back to my limited algorithm feed; I don’t like the feed I am on now.” There should be time limits by age. The inquiry of the Science and Technology Committee into digital childhoods found that time limits and age-related curfews would be the most important changes we could make. The biggest impact on mental health from social media comes from children having it in their bedrooms: they are not sleeping the hours that they should be sleeping. Curfews at device-level could save children from fear of missing out—or FOMO, as they like to call it—and let them get to sleep. The second biggest impact on young people’s mental health is from age-inappropriate material. My hon. Friend the Member for Camborne and Redruth (Perran Moon) spoke about horrific stuff with eating disorders. We must be clearer that that has real consequences. We have yet to see Ofcom use all its powers in that area. I would like to empower parents and young people by having British Board of Film Classification ratings on material so that parents are clear whether it is appropriate for their child. In addition, we have not even talked about the online advertising guidelines. Are the adverts popping up in YouTube Kids videos appropriate for children? Nobody is looking at that. The adverts that pop up in their little apps or games—“Melo’s cat cafe”, or whatever they are <span id="279WH" class="column-number" data-column-number="279WH"></span>playing—again, are not being properly regulated, although we have rules that tell us what is age-appropriate advertising. We should also have device-level age checks. Age checks are always difficult, but doing them at device level, and being clear that, when a parent passes their device down, they should clear it and set it with the proper age, is more secure than any of the things that we have talked about when it comes to children using fake identities to get on to sites. I do not want to talk about other people’s childhoods, but I may have used a fake ID in the past to buy a beer—<em>[</em><em>Interruption.</em><em>]</em> I know—shocking! The same thing is happening online. Finally, my hon. Friend the Member for Aylesbury brought up a really important point about AI companion chatbots. This is not all right. If people do not have to pay for these homework chatbots, companion chatbots or romantic chatbots—if they do not have to pay for the product—they are the product. We have very strict rules from the Information Commissioner’s Office on data protection for children, but I have yet to see the ICO take proper action on this. Our children’s data is being fed in. The grooming and sexual behaviour is not an end in and of itself; the aim is to keep the children online to mine their data. That should be stopped right away. I thank everybody for coming to the debate, and the 503 people in Milton Keynes who signed the petition. By working together, and working with young people and parents, we can get to a solution that provides the benefits of an online childhood without all the problems that we see today.

    Hansard source
  2. ParliamentEmily Darlington

    Budget Resolutions

    Milton Keynes MPs are like buses: you wait a long time, and two come at once.<span id="661" class="column-number" data-column-number="661"></span> It costs us £133 billion every year because women are excluded from paid work on equal terms with men. I have worked closely with Members from across these Benches, as well as the Women’s Budget Group and the Good Growth Foundation, to put together an unashamedly female agenda for how we can realise the £113 billion of gross value added that we would see every year if women could fully participate in the economy. I want to thank my right hon. and hon. Friends the Treasury Ministers for their engagement on this really important document. I want to talk about what this Budget delivers for women. It bolsters us, it promotes us and it protects us. It bolsters us with paternity leave and adoption leave for self-employed people, with breakfast clubs and with VAT cuts in energy bills. We know that, more often than not, it is women who are trying to make the household bills add up at the end of the month and women who are the first people in the family to go without when there is not enough. The commitment to the gender pay gap and pay transparency is so important, but women are business owners too, particularly on our high streets, where our hairdressers and nail technicians are seeing business rate cuts. High-tech, high-investment, science-based industries will also have fair investment practices, with tech-forward standards to improve workplace culture, £200 million—double the previous commitment—for women-led businesses through the British Business Bank and a scale-up programme to help them flourish. Finally, this Budget protects women and girls. It establishes for the first time a misogyny taskforce to tackle the core issues that are holding women back, keeping them scared and destroying equality in our society, with £55 million of funding over two years to meet the commitment to halve violence against women and girls in a decade. It will strengthen our law enforcement activity, improve protection for victims, and identify and disrupt harmful behaviours. This is a Budget for women, because if women succeed, our country succeeds.

    Hansard source
  3. ParliamentEmily Darlington

    Topical Questions

    <Question HRSContentId="{5EC251FD-E948-4E23-A0D9-8E2F36B06B4A}">T8. <QuestionText HRSContentId="{5B73DA4B-20EE-4E69-8FA1-E9E29FE9C935}"></QuestionText>While successive Governments have cut the international aid budget, the reality is that the public are still donating in their millions to causes that are dear to their hearts. Those usually relate to disasters, but the public also care about women and LGBT communities in other countries and many other issues. Will the Minister meet me to talk about how we can extend UK Aid Match beyond disaster recovery?</Question>

    Hansard source
  4. ParliamentEmily Darlington

    Courts and Tribunals Bill

    I think the hon. Member misses the point of the question that was just raised. The question he seems to misunderstand is the fact that the right to choose a jury trial is being used by perpetrators to continue the abuse of the victims and survivors. Does he think that the state should be <span id="254" class="column-number" data-column-number="254"></span>party to continuing that abuse and allowing perpetrators to play the system through a jury trial selection or an appeals process?

    Hansard source
  5. ParliamentEmily Darlington

    Courts and Tribunals Bill

    Is my hon. Friend aware of the Rape Crisis report that says that juries bring misconceptions and bias into the system and are less likely to convict? I am sure he is not talking about that being the benefit, is he?

    Hansard source
  6. ParliamentEmily Darlington

    Technology and Innovation

    <Question HRSContentId="{031F7DB0-F988-4D82-82D4-BE1C946301AE}">20. <QuestionText HRSContentId="{139509E6-9D75-4F49-B0E6-5F216542CB8C}">What steps she is taking to use technology to support innovation across Government.</QuestionText> </Question>

    Hansard source
  7. ParliamentEmily Darlington

    Online Safety

    Like the Secretary of State, I pay tribute to the Ministers before her who have laid out some of the tough language and now the tough legislation that we will bring in. This could be done tomorrow. All it requires is an update to the iOS and Android operating systems. That software exists. Will she join me in calling for these companies to turn it on in the next update and to make that tomorrow? Will she promise every child and parent in this country that if those companies do not do that quickly—in fact, even if they do—we will introduce legislation within the year?

    Hansard source
  8. ParliamentEmily Darlington

    Representation of the People Bill

    In the five minutes you have allotted me, Madam Deputy Speaker, I will try to speak to my clauses 41 to 47 in my name, new clauses 82 and 83, which are now in my name—I put them in my name on behalf of the Education Secretary—and amendment 4, which I put in my name on behalf of the Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department, my hon. Friend the Member for Bassetlaw (Jo White). I thank the previous Ministers, my hon. Friends the Members for Bethnal Green and Stepney (Rushanara Ali) and for Chester North and Neston (Samantha Dixon), for their constant engagement with me on this matter over the past year and a bit, and I also thank the Minister with responsibility for online safety. I welcome the new Minister to her place—she is a fantastic appointment. I thank the Electoral Commission, Philip Rycroft, members of the Online Safety Network in particular, Demos, Adobe, British broadcasters and colleagues from across this House for working with me to table these crucial amendments. Our democracy is under attack by foreign actors who want to destabilise our country, and individuals in our country who want to create chaos and division. They use the online space to create and spread disinformation, create deepfakes, and use algorithms to amplify bots pretending to be British citizens. These distort the debate, negate the facts, and take away our right to free choice in a free election. AI-generated material can be fun—for example, images of cats riding on dolphins—but it can also be destructive. A network of 73 TikTok accounts that pretend to be authentic news organisations suddenly sprang up in March 2025; they have nearly one million followers and have published thousands of deepfakes of Government Ministers supposedly announcing controversial policies. They use real BBC footage. In the first week of December 2025 alone, they had nearly one million viewers. That translates to the doorstep. I spoke to a voter in December 2025 who was convinced that the then Prime Minister was imposing a Christmas tax because she saw a video of him announcing it. Those accounts have made us less sure of who and what we can trust. When that happens, people still vote and make a choice, but the ground beneath their judgment shifts. New clause 47 would ensure that all material that is AI-generated is clearly labelled. It does not stop any party or candidate from creating crowds at their speeches or wearing a superhero outfit to leap over the Elizabeth Tower, but it would bring transparency to the public. As has often been said, democracy does not require us to agree, but it does require us to live in the same reality, so new clause 82 would create a liability for false statements, and new clause 41 would ensure that the law offline is applied online—mainly sections 106 and 114A from the Representation of the People Act 1983. These need to be made priority offences under the Online Safety Act 2023. I thank the Minister for online safety for his engagement; it allows us to work together to ensure that this happens and that Ofcom understands the importance of protecting democracy. The algorithms are powerful because they do not look dramatic. They look ordinary; it is just content in our feed. No single message changes our mind; scale, volume, emotion and the cumulative effect do. Online <span id="311" class="column-number" data-column-number="311"></span>social media bosses can use their control of algorithms to promote their political views without reporting to the public. That is why I tabled new clause 42. I will skip new clause 44, on the Electoral Commission. I want to raise new clause 43, which would require a repository for political advertising, so that any voter can see what a party is advertising in different parts of the country and on different platforms. It would also ensure that all political advertising and the money spent on it can be audited and properly declared. Everyone in this House knows that this harmful activity is not limited to election periods, but is happening all the time, spreading disinformation or nudifying and humiliating female candidates and politicians. New clauses 46 and 83, which look to introduce the broadcast code to online platforms, would deal with this matter. Finally, we need an emergency election protocol that is appropriate, transparent and holds public confidence. That is what new clause 45 is about. None of my amendments has been selected for decision, so they will be relaid in the Lords. I thank the Minister for Online Safety, No. 10 and the Secretary of State for their engagement. Working together, I am sure that we can find a way to protect our democracy.

    Hansard source
  9. ParliamentEmily Darlington

    Representation of the People Bill

    My hon. Friend is making fantastic progress on protecting our democracy. On criminal convictions, as she will know, I have taken over amendment 4 from my hon. Friend the Member for Bassetlaw (Jo White). It is about listing on registers of interests, once a candidate is elected as an MP or councillor, that they have undergone a Disclosure and Barring Service check. That would provide schools, care homes and women’s shelters with the clarity that they can feel safe with that person. Will the Minister consider that, as part of ensuring transparency, so that people can understand who it is, and is not, appropriate to invite to particular venues?

    Hansard source
  10. ParliamentEmily Darlington

    Societal Impact of AI: Government Policy

    It is a pleasure to serve under your chairship, Ms McVey. I have rewritten my speech because I do not want to repeat all the things that have been said. I think we are in agreement, although we may have different perspectives. I want to take us back to 80 years ago, to a country house a few miles from Milton Keynes in my constituency. A handful of mathematicians built a machine that cracked the enigma code, and it gave birth to modern computing. That was Bletchley Park, where Britain proved that it could outthink the world. That inheritance still runs through Milton Keynes in the data centres rising on our edge, the British Standards Institution at Knowlhill—the oldest standards institute in the world, whose kitemark has told people that a product is safe since 1903—and a plethora of AI start-ups that outnumber Oxford or Cambridge. Britain is standing at another one of those moments, as we see with our economy and our military tech coming together and pushing forward either for the good of the nation or for its ultimate damage. The potential benefits of artificial intelligence are enormous, and not only for the private sector. AI is a tool that can pull our public services back from years of managed decline. The technology will allow us to detect diseases earlier and cut NHS waiting lists. It will free nurses and other public servants from back-office grind for work that only people can do. However, every country can see that prize, and the question that decides whether Britain leads or merely buys in is whether we make the technology or just import it. A maker exports its products, services and ideas around the world, as we did in world war two, but the UK is at risk of becoming an AI taker and simply handing over the keys to giant US tech firms that are buying up our best young AI companies. It is still our technology; it is just being bought up, packaged and sold back to us so that we become indebted. As we are talking about the impact on our economy and our society, I want to point to Palantir, which has the contract with the NHS. We know that UK companies could do exactly the same work, because I and many Members present have spoken to them. Even more concerning is that the Ministry of Defence now uses the company. With the activist Government in the US turning off technology and restricting its availability outside the US, that puts at risk not only our NHS but, most importantly, the defence of our realm against Russia, for which others may have more sympathy than we do. There is also a social cost, as people look at a company such as Palantir and say that it does not reflect their values. It is used by US Immigration and Customs Enforcement and by Israel to target Gaza. That has a huge impact on public trust. It is also bad for the UK economy and innovation, because it crowds out UK firms that could have those public contracts. That is just one example of a dependency that is putting us at risk both socially and economically. It does not have to be that way. British AI firms need three things to succeed: customers who will buy their products, the ability to increase supply to meet demand, and a USP that British AI is the most trusted. The Government can help with all three. First, we have to <span id="166WH" class="column-number" data-column-number="166WH"></span>act as a good customer. Why should those NHS and MOD contracts not go to British AI firms? Not only would that increase trust, but those products would be developed in a way that meets our needs; we would not be buying something that had been developed elsewhere. That would also mean that we had to invest in the entire British AI stack—it must be British from start to finish. The second issue is supply. We need to make sure that we have the compute power we need and that we are not relying on US firms again for that. We are overly reliant: despite the fact that we part-own Crown Hosting, that accounts for only 6% of public sector data; the rest is nearly all on Amazon Web Services, which is a significant risk. We need to look at how we diffuse the supply of compute power—the underused capacity—to increase that. Finally, we need to increase AI take-up across British businesses by building trusted products. The British Standards Institution is at the heart of that. It does not always have to be about regulation; it can be about standards that lift everything up. What attracts the world to the BSI is that it is known for doing that and its standards become international, so we get first-market advantage. This partnership model of an industrial strategy is mission-driven, creates public trust, evaluates the impact on society and creates opportunities for our ideas and innovation to flourish. That is something we did with the innovations at Bletchley Park. We need to become an innovation leader again—an AI maker, not just an AI taker, which puts us at risk.

    Hansard source

2024 General Election: Milton Keynes Central

Held . Recorded result: Lab Gain. Majority 7,291. 47,729 votes cast from an electorate of 81,078. Parties are as each candidate stood at the time.

CandidatePartyVotesShare
Emily DarlingtonLabour20,20942.3%
Johnny LukConservative12,91827.1%
David ReillyReform UK6,24513.1%
James CoxLiberal Democrat4,93110.3%
Frances BonneyGreen Party3,2266.8%
Alfred Saint-ClairHeritage Party2000.4%

Election result on Parliament's site

Parliamentary career

Seats held

SeatDates
Milton Keynes CentralElected 1 time – present

Committee memberships

CommitteeDates
Cyber Security and Resilience (Network and Information Systems) Bill – present
Space Industry (Indemnities) Bill – present
Science and Technology Committee (Commons) – present

Elections contested without winning

ConstituencyDate
Milton Keynes North

Career on Parliament's site

Published contact details

Parliamentary office

House of Commons, London, SW1A 0AA

[email protected]

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