Official portrait of Ashley Dalton
UK Parliament, CC BY 3.0

Ashley Dalton

Labour Party MP for West Lancashire since (elected). An MP continuously since .

Parliament recordVoting recordWritten questionsEarly day motions

Entries on this tracker

262

Each filed under the party they sat for that day

Register entries

1

As currently published

Declared while sitting for Labour

£0

0 of 1 entries state an amount

Party affiliation

PartyOfficeAreaPeriodBeganEndedSource
LabourMPWest Lancashire – presentelected—Party history

Parliament's party history for this member: Labour ( – present).

Register of interests

Every entry the member has in the Register of Members' Financial Interests, as Parliament currently publishes it. The wording and values are the member's own declarations; nothing here has been assessed by this site.

Totals add only the entries that declare an amount received: payments for work, donations, gifts, and funded visits (register categories 1.1, 2, 3, 4 and 5). Ongoing employment is listed but not added, because its figure is a rate rather than a sum received. Each entry is dated by when the benefit happened, not when it was registered, and placed under the party the member sat for on that date. A member who changed party therefore has a separate total for each.

DateCategoryEntryDeclared valueSitting forSource
6. Land and propertyResidential in Southend on Sea—LabourRegister record

Register on Parliament's site

Latest on this tracker 262

  1. ParliamentAshley Dalton

    Budget Resolutions

    I welcome the measures taken by the Chancellor in this Budget, which is clear-eyed about the pressures that people and businesses continue to face, but equally clear about our plan of action to support households so that they keep more of their money; to reduce costs for businesses; and to create the conditions for economic growth. People across West Lancashire are working hard to make ends meet. There is no dearth of ambition and talent in our local communities, but when conflict in the middle east drives up global energy prices, my constituents feel the effects in their household budget. The extension of the 0% VAT rate on electricity until July 2027, the removal of standing charges from household gas bills and the £2.6 billion on the energy bills breathing space scheme are all welcome steps. In West Lancashire, 37,000-plus households will benefit from the £100 payment this winter. The costs of global volatility are not only felt in the home, however. The conflict in the middle east has once again demonstrated how vulnerable motorists are to fluctuations in global fuel prices. I therefore welcome the extension of fuel duty tax cuts until July next year. I have spoken repeatedly about the need to improve public transport and rail connectivity in Skelmersdale in my constituency. We need to ensure that our communities are better connected to neighbouring towns, cities and economic opportunities. While I continue to encourage Reform-led Lancashire county council to work constructively with me to improve local transport for my constituents, I also recognise that in many parts of a rural constituency like mine, owning a car is currently a necessity. Measures to ease the pressure on motorists are particularly welcome in such rural constituencies, where the price at the pump is piling additional pressure on already overstretched families. This Budget is not only for families. Our high streets are at the heart of our communities. They bring employment opportunities, economic growth and a sense of community, <span id="653" class="column-number" data-column-number="653"></span>character and identity. As co-chair of the all-party parliamentary group on theatre, I am particularly conscious of the important role that our cultural venues, and particularly touring productions, play in supporting our local economy. The economic contribution of touring theatre extends well beyond the theatre itself; every pound spent on the theatre ticket generates a further £1.40 in local spending. I look forward to seeing how the Government can further support the touring sector and creative industries, and can ensure that theatres reach audiences across the country. I welcome this Budget, which recognises the importance of our high streets and the contribution of small businesses. This is how we create jobs, strengthen our communities and deliver growth that people feel in every postcode, every day of their life.

    Hansard source
  2. ParliamentAshley Dalton

    Waste Crime

    <Question HRSContentId="{C8DBC729-D209-44D5-8ACE-BABC3E93F6E0}">3. <QuestionText HRSContentId="{E9216771-F529-496D-9B8A-7A11A49D0280}">What steps she is taking to help tackle waste crime.</QuestionText> </Question>

    Hansard source
  3. ParliamentAshley Dalton

    Waste Crime

    Illegal waste dumping at the Simonswood industrial estate in my constituency has long blighted the residents in West Lancashire and Kirkby. My right hon. Friend the Member for Knowsley (Anneliese Midgley) and I have worked together on tackling the Simonswood stink, and we welcomed the Environment Agency’s permit revocation earlier this year, but the mound remains, as do the odour and dust. What assurances can the Government give that Simonswood will be considered in the next phase of the illegal waste site clearance scheme?

    Hansard source
  4. ParliamentAshley Dalton

    National Care Service

    This House knows that in recent months, the issue of end-of-life care has been at the forefront of our discussions and debate. Will the Minister tell us how the national care service will dovetail with end-of-life care and support families and those at the end of their lives?

    Hansard source
  5. ParliamentAshley Dalton

    Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill

    The last time this House considered this Bill on Second Reading, I was keeping a secret. While hon. and right hon. Members were debating the issue, I was grappling with my own terminal diagnosis. I was told that I have stage 4 incurable metastatic breast cancer. I was overwhelmed with grief, fear and anxiety; I was scared of what was to come, and fearful of how it would impact my family and my loved ones. I was scared that I was going to get really poorly and thinking, “How will I cope? How will my family cope? How will I be cared for? How will I afford it? How badly will it hurt? How long will it last?” When you hear those words, depression, anxiety, grief, fear, shame and guilt come in bounds. Suicide risk is highest immediately after diagnosis, and it usually falls quickly, within three to six months. I would be lying if I said that when thinking about all that was to come, I did not consider that it might be fairer and easier on everyone if I just got the dying over with as soon as possible. Having treatable depression, however, will not exclude anyone from an assisted death under this Bill, and depression is common among people with terminal illness, but it is often treatable. Clinicians are trained to prevent suicide in people suffering from depression, but where would the line be drawn? This Bill makes no provision to support this difficult transition, or to create safeguards around it. A person can also be suicidal and have unmet mental health needs prior to developing a terminal illness, and then ask the state to kill them without any assessment of their psychological health, just an assessment of their mental capacity—because mental capacity and mental health are not the same thing. The Royal College of Psychiatrists recommends a holistic, multidisciplinary assessment of every applicant. The three-person panel at the end of the assessment process provided for by this Bill is not what most NHS clinicians recognise as a multidisciplinary team; it certainly does not allow for meaningful multidisciplinary decision making. The assessment needs to happen at the beginning of the process, not the end, and each team member should be independently assessing the patient in person. That is not what is included in this Bill. I do not know how long I will live. I will be on treatment for life, however long or short that may be. At the moment, I live between scans, in nine to 12-week blocks of time. The last scan might have shown that the disease is stable, but the next scan might show that it is growing again. If the disease is stable, the drug is working and we can carry on. Eventually, the drug will stop working, the cancer will grow, and we will have to try another drug and see if that works. At some point, we will either run out of drugs to try, or I will be too poorly to tolerate them—then I die. It could be months. It could be years. No one really knows. Prognosis is notoriously difficult to predict. Palliative care professionals and oncologists tell me that while they can more or less give me an indication of when I will die when I am a few days or weeks off, anything beyond that is the flip of a coin. The six-month prognosis in this Bill is something no one can ever be really sure of. What the palliative care professionals have told me is that palliative care can help me when I die. In the campaign around this Bill, though, it seems to me that it is being implied that a person with a terminal illness will have a dreadful, painful death unless they <span id="1339" class="column-number" data-column-number="1339"></span>have access to assisted dying. That is simply not true; palliative care in the UK is excellent. Far too many people do not have access to the palliative care they need, but the idea that it is not possible to alleviate pain and discomfort is false. People have been terrorised—I have been terrorised—with tales of people vomiting up their own faeces, as though this is commonplace during death. It is vanishingly rare. Bowel obstructions are more common, but they are treatable. I know—I have had one. It is nothing short of irresponsible to scaremonger people like me into believing our deaths will be horrific when all the evidence suggests that, with access to good palliative care, deaths are, on the whole, gentle. The answer is not to terrify people and their families. It is to sort out palliative care and social care first, because none of this takes place in a vacuum. Until we can say that everyone who needs it has access to high-quality palliative care, we are offering nobody a choice. A terrible death or an assisted death is not a choice; it is a threat. While I speak today from the position of someone with a terminal illness, I am acutely aware that this is not about me. This debate is also not about an abstract concept or a position of principle. The question that will be put at the end of this debate will not be, “That this House has considered the question of assisted dying.” It will not even be, “That this House agrees with the principle of assisted dying.” The question will be, “That the Bill be now read a Second time”—this Bill, not the Bill it might have been, not the Bill that Members might have hoped it would be, and not the Bill it could be. This Bill is the only thing before us today. Incidentally, there is absolutely nothing before us about the House of Lords. That is not the question we are being asked. Whatever hon. or right hon. Members think about the principle of assisted dying, surely our first and foremost responsibility is to write law that is safe and workable. Not one of the professional bodies that would be tasked with delivering the Bill is willing to attest that it is, as it stands, safe or workable. The Royal College of Psychiatrists, the Association for Palliative Medicine and the Royal College of Physicians all say that the Bill is seriously inadequate. They are not opposed to assisted dying in principle, but they cannot support this Bill. Instead of bringing a Bill identical to the last, so that the Parliament Acts can be used and the Bill can be forced unamended on to the statute book, why did the proposers not spend the summer working with the royal medical colleges, the professional bodies and organisations to build a Bill that they could support? If they had done that, it would have been difficult for anyone opposed to the principle to argue against the Bill. But they did not do that. This is not about sides. This House is not a debating society; it is about making the law. While we may be campaigners out there, in here we are all legislators. It is our responsibility not to pick a side and dig in, but to work together to build the best laws that we can, and that is never truer than with a private Member’s Bill on a matter of conscience.

    Hansard source
  6. ParliamentAshley Dalton

    Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill

    No, I will not. This Bill does not protect the most vulnerable. It does not mitigate against the poor, the old, people with disabilities, or black and minority ethnic people being disproportionately affected. <span id="1340" class="column-number" data-column-number="1340"></span>It does not protect people who are mentally ill. It does not recognise that not everyone has the same level of agency, control or influence over their decision making. The clinicians we would ask to deliver this Bill are saying that it is not even workable—that there is every expectation that it would not even work for the terminally ill people who want an assisted death either. And there would be no stopping it. Auto-commencement means that if the Bill is passed by the Commons and pushed through via the Parliament Acts, it has to happen on the stroke of four years after being passed. Even if the Government or the NHS are not ready, even if there is no funding, even if palliative care is still broken, and even if it is known to be dangerous, flawed or unworkable, then it is still happening, ready or not. This is not a last-chance saloon. This debate has been going on for years. It is not a once-in-a-generation opportunity; it could come back again in the next Parliament. My days may be numbered, but that does not mean that I want this Chamber to rush through bad law, just so I might have a chance to see it or use it. This matter is of huge importance. If hon. and right hon. Members have any doubt that the exact Bill before us today is not the best it could be—if it is anything less than excellent, well thought-out and robustly drafted legislation that protects the vulnerable and recognises the expertise of our world-class clinicians—and that it is not the Bill that I and other terminally ill people deserve, then I urge them to vote no or to abstain.

    Hansard source
  7. ParliamentAshley Dalton

    Social Cohesion

    <Question HRSContentId="{207B2158-B0D3-4050-BE43-9860A5EC56EA}">2. <QuestionText HRSContentId="{88BB2626-F5FD-4BF0-9D6A-3D0D031351C8}">What steps she is taking with Cabinet colleagues to improve social cohesion. </QuestionText></Question>

    Hansard source
  8. ParliamentAshley Dalton

    Social Cohesion

    Will my right hon. Friend join me in welcoming Lancashire county councillor Nigel Swales from my constituency to the Labour party? Councillor Swales has defected to Labour from Reform because he knows Reform will not deliver, and we saw at its party conference last week men literally beating young women on the conference floor and spokespeople stirring up hatred. Does the Minister agree that Reform cannot be trusted to protect social cohesion?

    Hansard source
  9. ParliamentAshley Dalton

    Topical Questions

    <Question HRSContentId="{1CFE2D35-685B-4784-916E-4FD3D49EF0D9}">T2. <QuestionText HRSContentId="{EA056DB8-ECBC-4773-B8CC-543D5DEAD85E}"></QuestionText>People from ethnic minority backgrounds, disabled people and old people are more at risk of being coerced into an assisted death, feeling a burden, or feeling pressured to end their life. These are the findings of the Government’s own equality impact assessment on the Terminally Ill Adults (End of Life) Bill, which comes to this House on Friday. In the event that the Bill is passed, what steps will the Secretary of State take to ensure that those risks to people with protected characteristics will be mitigated?</Question>

    Hansard source
  10. ParliamentAshley Dalton

    Local Government Reorganisation

    There is a real appetite for change in my constituency. We are not scared of it; we are eager for it. Only today, we have seen the former Reform Lancashire county councillor for Skelmersdale East defecting to the Labour party because he knows that Labour will deliver for Skem. Can the Secretary of State assure me that the Government will meet the ambition of my constituents, and keep pushing for change and a better system for Lancashire?

    Hansard source

2024 General Election: West Lancashire

Held . Recorded result: Lab Hold. Majority 13,625. 44,200 votes cast from an electorate of 74,081. Parties are as each candidate stood at the time.

CandidatePartyVotesShare
Ashley DaltonLabour22,30550.5%
Mike PrendergastConservative8,68019.6%
Simon EvansReform UK7,90917.9%
Charlotte HoultramGreen Party3,2637.4%
Graham SmithLiberal Democrat2,0434.6%

Election result on Parliament's site

Parliamentary career

Seats held

SeatDates
West LancashireElected 1 time – present
West LancashireElected 1 time –

Government posts

PostDates
Parliamentary Under-Secretary (Department of Health and Social Care)Department of Health and Social Care –

Opposition posts

PostDates
Shadow Minister (Equalities Office)Government Equalities Office –

Committee memberships

CommitteeDates
Housing, Communities and Local Government Committee – present
Rare Cancers Bill –
Finance (No. 2) Bill –
Public Accounts Committee –
Workers (Predictable Terms and Conditions) Bill –

Elections contested without winning

ConstituencyDate
Rochford and Southend East
Rochford and Southend East

Career on Parliament's site

Published contact details

Parliamentary office

House of Commons, London, SW1A 0AA

020 7219 0005

[email protected]

X (formerly Twitter)

twitter.com/AshleyDalton_MP

Only the details Parliament publishes for this member. Contact page on Parliament's site

Profile data retrieved from Parliament on .