The Global Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law Sanctions Regulations 2026
Often in these Delegated Legislation Committees, we think we are just going to be talking about technical issues and maybe not covering matters of groundbreaking importance, but I have to say that I feel a bit of the weight of history on my shoulders today. I think I am the only Member here who was on the Public Bill Committee for the original Sanctions and Anti-Money Laundering Bill—the SAML Bill, as it was referred to previously. Obviously, that was being worked on at the end of 2017, into 2018. Back then, the Opposition were trying to persuade the Government of the time to take on Magnitsky sanctions, as they were known then. For a long time we did not get very far, but I am very pleased that Baron Benyon, as he now is—who had possibly been put on the Bill Committee by mistake—came to our rescue. He managed to get us there, and I am very pleased that the Conservative party—the then Government, now the Opposition—took that on. I must pay tribute to them, because they did try to make a success of that regime, but I am really proud that it is now being expanded. It is so important that it is, and I am very proud that that is happening under a Labour Government. We should take a moment to remember the people who pushed for Magnitsky sanctions in the first place—not least Bill Browder—in memory of Sergei Magnitsky and his truly disgusting treatment by the Russian regime. We need change, so I am very pleased with what the Minister said. I was pleased to see the round of sanctions that he mentioned earlier this week on the one-year anniversary of the fall of El Fasher, particularly the focus on conflict-related sexual violence; that is not common in sanctions regimes, but it is absolutely right that the UK is taking a stance on that. The Minister has obviously provided a great example of the direct consequences of sanctions, but we also saw with the previous round of Sudan-focused sanctions that one of the worst perpetrators of truly horrific violence in the Sudan conflict, who was sanctioned by the UK and named and shamed, then appeared to be removed from the command structure of one of the warring parties. These measures have a direct impact, and I am really pleased that their scope will be expanded. We see in so many contexts, as others have talked about, the manipulation of life-saving aid as a weapon of war, over and over again. Sadly, that has only become more common, so it is right that we are taking this action now. I hope the Government will keep this under review in relation to Sudan. I hope they will also be focused on the fact that we see many external actors involved in Sudan. We have seen that through the UN’s fact-finding mission report, in relation to the United Arab Emirates in particular, but also other countries. <span id="11" class="column-number" data-column-number="11"></span>I was pleased that the Government reaffirmed their commitment to that report in the House yesterday, and I hope they will bear that in mind in everything they do: sanctions, but also their actions at the UN. I should also mention that some representatives from South Sudan were in the House this week. They said that they thought it was important that our sanctions regime should notice the connections between what is happening in Sudan and South Sudan, particularly given that the US, for example, has used visa bans on South Sudanese individuals who have been responsible for violations of human rights. I also associate myself with the remarks of my hon. Friend the Member for Oldham East and Saddleworth (Debbie Abrahams) when it comes to the west bank and Gaza and IHL. This legislation really represents our values as a country. The UK supports international humanitarian law, and we have done since the end of the second world war. We should be really proud of our principles, not just in rhetoric but through hard action that hits the perpetrators of violations where it hurts.