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Conservative and Unionist Party

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  1. ParliamentMr Richard Holden

    Taxes

    The damage that this Labour Government have dealt to our economy is a real kick in the teeth for all those who voted for them last year—and for those who did not vote for them, but who wished them well and believed their words at the general election. Time and again, my right hon. Friend the Member for Richmond and Northallerton (Rishi Sunak), and many others on this side of the House, warned that the new Labour Government’s priorities and promises on tax were not to be trusted, and that members of the public should take their words with a bucket of salt. The Labour party cried foul, diving to the ground like a premiership footballer screaming blue murder, but what has come to pass is far worse than many on this side of the House imagined it would be. For all the Government’s talk of fixing the foundations, I have been pained to watch the suffering, distress and anxiety that they have wilfully chosen to inflict on the British people. They have hammered the small businesses on which people rely for their jobs, through changes to business property relief, agricultural property relief, VAT and dual cab taxes, and through the business rate rises and the national insurance tax rise. I cannot think of a policy as woefully constructed and as disastrously executed as the national insurance tax rise. This Government claim to have been elected on a platform of promoting growth, but they are choosing to boost growth by blowing up businesses. That is so inexplicable that it calls into question the Government’s ability to govern. The people hit hardest by the tax rises are those starting out in their first job, who will be hit by the thresholds, and part-time workers—often women—trying to get back into the labour market. It is among those groups that we see the highest rises in unemployment since the Budget. It is because of the Government’s choice to raise taxes that businesses are cutting back on hiring staff. They are also making staff redundant, shelving expansion plans and closing their doors. I see that in my constituency, where unemployment is up by about a sixth in the 12 months since the general election. It is also because of that choice that inflation is up and growth is down, and because of choices made by the Labour party that this country will continue to miss out on investment opportunities and economic security. That brings me to the people who will feel the impact most acutely. During the pandemic, we celebrated key workers—the care home workers, teachers and hospice workers who went out every day in horrendous conditions to do their job in a spirit of service. What kind of Labour Government would willingly choose to punish those who represent the heartbeat of the nation? Only recently, I heard from a woman in my constituency who runs a small childcare business, which she kept going during the pandemic. She wrote to tell me that because of the tax rise, she has had to cut back her assistants’ hours and turn away parents. On the one side, the Government pretend that wages are increasing, but on the other, employers are being forced to cut hours, so people are no better off. It is happening in every constituency up and down the country, and that is the real cost of this Government’s choice. The national insurance tax rise means less money for schools and teachers, for hospices and their staff, and for the healthcare workers who were applauded during covid—those operating in the most difficult circumstances. It is a fundamental disgrace that the Labour Government, who are always so keen to paint themselves as the kinder, more cuddly, and more friendly party, have made the catastrophic choice to balance the books and fix their failures on the back of essential workers and volunteers. The Government are raising taxes on hospices, which they are supposed to stand up for.

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  2. ParliamentMr Richard Holden

    Taxes

    I give way to the hon. Gentleman on raising taxes on hospices.

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  3. ParliamentMr Richard Holden

    Taxes

    As the hon. Gentleman will know, that rise is not fully funded by the Budget, because the national insurance costs for schools have not been fully covered by the Budget.

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  4. ParliamentMr Richard Holden

    Taxes

    The hon. Gentleman may shake his head, but he should look at the statistics. Schools in my constituency and his will cut support staff and teaching assistants as a result of the black hole that his Government have created for their workers. It is particularly pernicious that the Government are raising taxes on hospices. I visited St Luke’s hospice in my constituency at the weekend. It is having to raise hundreds of thousands of pounds a year more—money that would be going towards care for the most vulnerable at the end of their life—to pay for a tax rise that Labour Members will today vote to maintain, while Conservative Members say that it should be removed. My hon. Friends and I will always raise these issues, as we have the issues for farmers and our food security, or the mind-boggling plans to drive away wealth creators to fill up the Treasury’s coffers, and we will continue to do that in opposition. We are asking the Government to listen to us, because we want the Government to change course and do the right thing. Bizarrely, we do not actually want the Government to drive the country off the edge of a cliff.

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  5. ParliamentMr Richard Holden

    Taxes

    The Chagos deal comes to mind, which the Government seem so keen on: handing over British taxpayers’ money for something we already own. We would not have made the same decisions that this Government have made. We made it very clear in government that we would not have handed out pay rises to train drivers without the need for reform, or to the junior doctors, who have come back yet again with another double-digit pay demand. The hon. Gentleman needs to think about those things. He can say, “What would you have done?” but we actually said that we would not do those things before they happened, so actually we are the ones who have been financially responsible. He is the one handing money away to Mauritius, so that it can cut its income tax, while the Government Front Benchers seem a bit wary of answering the question of whether they will have to raise taxes later this year. We Opposition Members can guarantee that they will. I call on the Government to do what is right and look again to their manifesto. The Government should choose to back enterprise, reward work, not punish those who help out in hospices, create growth and opportunity in every corner of our country, and back others who do so, instead of taxing everyone and everything they possibly can. Otherwise, I fear that this Labour Government will face the same fate as all other majority Labour Governments that have ever existed, and leave unemployment higher than when they entered office. That is not exactly the Labour party that people voted for in my constituency or across the country.

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  6. ParliamentMr Richard Holden

    Taxes

    The hon. Gentleman says that the last Labour Government left the country in a fantastic state. As I have mentioned before, they left behind a massive deficit and unemployment higher than when they took office. Does he not understand that a deficit of over 10% of GDP was an horrific legacy to leave in peacetime? Also, unemployment being higher was a betrayal of the people the Labour party is meant to stand up for.

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  7. ParliamentMr Louie French

    Taxes

    I am not sure what financial qualifications the Chief Secretary has, if any, but last week’s reports suggested that, privately, Ministers are briefing their Back Benchers that they will introduce a wealth tax without calling it a wealth tax. Can he confirm whether or not that is true?

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  8. ParliamentMike Wood

    Beer Duty

    I draw hon. Members’ attention to my entry in the Register of Members’ Financial Interests. I have also received hospitality from CAMRA, the BBPA, UKHospitality and probably the Society of Independent Brewers and Associates. I rise to speak not only as the Member of Parliament for Kingswinford and South Staffordshire, but as someone who had the honour of chairing the all-party parliamentary beer group for more than five years. During that time, I worked with colleagues across the House to ensure that our brewers, pubs and beer lovers had a Government that understood their value to communities, our economy and local culture. Under the previous Government, real progress was made on duty. We delivered reforms that simplified beer duty, recognising the unique role that pubs and small brewers play in British life. We implemented draught relief, giving pubs a competitive edge and encouraging the sale of lower-strength beer on tap. Crucially, there was a series of freezes and cuts to beer duty year after year, scrapping Gordon Brown’s damaging beer duty escalator and meaning that, by the time of the last election, the duty paid on a pint of real ale in a pub was lower than it had been 12 years earlier. We embraced the freedoms afforded to us post Brexit to create a more proportionate, strength-based alcohol duty system, designed to support responsible consumption and encourage the production of lower-strength drinks, while putting pubs and licensed premises on a fairer footing compared with supermarkets and off-licences.

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  9. ParliamentMike Wood

    Beer Duty

    The hon. Lady is completely right because of the margins that such brewers operate on. The concern now is that, if reports are correct and the Government are considering beer duty as a revenue raiser to fill the gap in the Chancellor’s budget, so much of the progress will be put at risk. Since the Government took office last July, almost every decision that the Chancellor has taken seems to have gone in the wrong direction when it comes to supporting pubs, hospitality and brewing. Just months into office, the Chancellor confirmed that beer duty would rise in line with the retail prices index from February this year—a sharp and sudden shift, which wiped out so many of the gains. That really needs to be a one-off because the return of automatic uprating every year would be a real betrayal of both the brewing industry and consumers. It would mean higher prices at the local, more pressure on struggling pubs and reduced confidence for independent brewers. That would be not just bad policy but economically incoherent. While costs are high across the supply chain and the Government are piling further costs on to pubs and brewers through wage costs, the Government have decided to add further instability and more tax, rather than consolidating reforms that were already delivering value. Under the last Government the draft relief was introduced to give pubs a much needed lifeline, cutting duty on beer from draft containers over 20 litres and reinforcing the social and economic value of the on trade. I campaigned hard for that. I was delighted when my right hon. Friend the Member for Richmond and Northallerton (Rishi Sunak), as Chancellor, agreed to a differential duty for draft beer. Then the Leader of the Opposition, as Exchequer Secretary, introduced it as part of the alcohol duty review. I know that the Minister harbours some ambitions; I hope that the subsequent elevation of predecessors who moved to support pubs through duty reform will offer him some inspiration. Reports of a potential review that could scale back the benefits of that draft beer duty rate are deeply concerning. Small producer relief, launched under the last Government and building on the success of Gordon Brown’s small breweries relief, was a significant step forward. I pay tribute to Gordon Brown for that measure, if nothing else: small breweries relief played an important part in encouraging the emergence of a thriving small brewing community, from hobbyists through to established local brewers, in every part of the country. We are seeing the long-term benefits, both economic and cultural.

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  10. ParliamentMike Wood

    Beer Duty

    The hon. Gentleman is right to say that 10 pubs a week were closing; a number of those, I think, had been artificially sustained through covid by support, but there has been a long-term trend, going back to the turn of the century, of far too many pubs closing. The difference was that the last Government were taking action to try to address that trend. We are waiting to see whether this Government will match that action. British beer is not just an industry but a cultural institution. The evidence of a link between price and alcohol consumption is tenuous at best, but we do know that as prices rise, habits change. When they rise sharply, consumers switch how and what they drink: they go from drinking low-strength beers and ciders to higher-strength wines and spirits. They go from drinking in well-regulated pubs and bars to drinking more at home, without that monitoring and oversight. Publicans tell us that the support that they once felt is now gone. Brewers, especially in rural and coastal areas, are seeing margins tighten and options shrink, and it is drinkers who are paying more for less. We are looking to the Government to reverse the automatic RPI uprating and freeze duty for the remainder of this Parliament; to expand draught relief, to ensure that packaged beer sold in pubs pays a significantly lower duty rate than that sold mainly in supermarkets; to raise the small producer threshold, allowing businesses, including family brewers, to grow without fear of penalty; and to commit to a long-term transparent policy that supports investment and sustainability in the brewing industry. Neither our brewers nor our community pubs can afford to take the hit now by being seen as cash cows for the Chancellor’s need to raise revenue. Real ale deserves real support. Labour’s national insurance rises and slashing of business rate relief has hammered pubs, while its cap on business property relief is a real threat to family brewers. The least that the Government can do is offer some comfort by reducing the pressures caused by high beer duty rates. Consumers, publicans and brewers alike will be watching carefully to see whether the Minister is truly on their side.

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  11. ParliamentMike Wood

    Beer Duty

    Will the hon. Gentleman give way on that point?

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  12. ParliamentMartin Vickers

    Energy Costs: Businesses

    Energy costs are an issue that the Prax oil refinery has brought to my attention over the years as a problem it has been facing. I appreciate the calls I have had with the Minister for Energy about this. I was able to visit the plant on Friday, and there was clearly growing concern, with hundreds of jobs at risk. What assurance can the Minister offer my constituents who are affected by this situation?

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  13. ParliamentMark Pritchard

    Clean Power: Jobs

    If the Secretary of State loves Shropshire, and I am sure he does, I hope he will not bulldoze over all our green belt—but that is another story for another day. The Secretary of State talks about green jobs. I am sure he does not want our fire services to be deployed more and more, but with solar energy feeding into battery energy storage systems, there is real concern at Shropshire fire service and across the country that there will be fires that are very difficult for our fire services to control. Does the Secretary of State agree that our fire services should be a statutory consultee on future planning applications for battery storage?

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  14. ParliamentMark Pritchard

    Afghanistan

    If the Defence Secretary will forgive me, I detect some wriggling. The fact is that he is justifying this super-injunction and not telling Parliament, the press, the public and, unbelievably, the Afghans who were potentially in harm’s way. Is it not the case that his argument is actually very thin? Even the MOD admits that Taliban-aligned individuals already had access to the database, so not telling those Afghans that they were in harm’s way is, quite frankly, unbelievable. The precedent of a super-injunction is very concerning for this place. How do we know that there is not another super-junction about another leak? Of course, the Secretary of State could not tell us, could he?

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  15. ParliamentLincoln Jopp

    Topical Questions

    We have been using floating solar technology in this country since 2016. Last month, the French started the largest plant in Europe, producing 74.3 MW. The Chinese have single plants that produce 350 MW. Given the scale of its use across the world, bar Britain, why did the Secretary of State refer to floating solar as a nascent technology? What is nascent about it?

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  16. ParliamentLincoln Jopp

    Afghanistan

    I welcome the Secretary of State’s statement and the tone of voice with which he delivered it. I commanded the Scots Guards in 2010 in Afghanistan, at the high watermark of violence. I was very well served by Naz and Mukhtar, and I will always be grateful both to the Ministry of Defence for getting them to Britain and to the communities in this country who have welcomed them to their new lives here. I want to focus on a particular phrase the Secretary of State used. The shadow Secretary of State asked whether it was a civil servant who carried out the leak. The Secretary of State said it was a “Defence official” and The Times is reporting that it was a soldier. I think it is worth clarifying exactly whether it was a civil servant, a spad or a soldier, because conflating the term “Defence official” to cover members of the armed forces is something that might come back to bite the Secretary of State if he continues to do it.

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  17. ParliamentJoy Morrissey

    Welfare Spending

    My hon. Friend makes an excellent point. This is about fairness; it is about hard-working families who are trying to take care of their two children, while watching someone who is on benefits having multiple children. It is about fairness, equity and welfare state dependency.

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  18. ParliamentJoy Morrissey

    Welfare Spending

    Does my hon. Friend agree that this is actually about growth in the economy, low tax, the welfare state being there as a safety net—not as a path to dependency, in which our economy is stifled and lacks any growth—and children whose parents work hard being given the same privileges and fairness as anyone on welfare benefits?

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  19. ParliamentJoy Morrissey

  20. ParliamentJoy Morrissey

    Taxes

    Just to correct the record, on the economy, we had the highest and fastest growth in the G7 when we lost the election. We handed the Government that highest growth. I know it is hard for Back-Bench Labour MPs to grapple with that, but it is a fact none the less.

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  21. ParliamentJoy Morrissey

    Taxes

    My right hon. Friend makes an excellent point about growth and wealth creators being taxed out of this country. They are simply taking their money and leaving, as the Labour party continues to tax them.

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  22. ParliamentJoy Morrissey

    Taxes

    The Labour party has decided to tax hard-working families on their choice of education. It means that people can no longer send their child to a SEND special school. It means they no longer have the choice to use their money, because the Labour party wanted to take a little more tax from them. Does my right hon. Friend agree that it is not a fair process and it is actually excluding people who want to protect their children for the future?

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  23. ParliamentJoy Morrissey

    Taxes

    What the Labour party is saying very clearly—it is useful to have it clarified—is that those who scrimp and save, who decide to give money or homes to their children, who save their farm for their children, do not matter. They will be the ones who are punished under Labour—not those who scrounge on benefits, but those who have saved their money and made choices. Labour is saying that those are the people it will punish. I thank the hon. Gentleman for clarifying that.

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  24. ParliamentJoy Morrissey

    Taxes

    On 3 December 2024, the Chancellor made a commitment. She told a conference of business leaders that she would not need to raise taxes. It was a foolish claim from a Chancellor out of her depth. She then taxed the engines of growth in her Budget—the businesses and entrepreneurs who create jobs. She sent high-earning taxpayers fleeing from our country in record numbers. She taxed jobs with her betrayal after saying she would not raise national insurance contributions, and that rise has brought charities, small businesses and entrepreneurs to their knees. She has destroyed the family farm with her family farm tax. She has taxed hard-working families with the VAT attack on independent schools. Having broken her promises and made false claims to businesses, the Chancellor is now coming for pensioners. She is coming for the people who have worked and saved, paid their tax and contributed to this country. She is the only Chancellor who claims to be an economist but does not understand the Laffer curve. It is time for the Prime Minister to realise what he has and to act. He has a weak, out-of-her-depth Chancellor who is sending our country down a one-way street to a 1970s-level economic failure.

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  25. ParliamentJohn Glen

    Welfare Spending

    Does my hon. Friend acknowledge the words of Richard Hughes of the OBR, who said in a report last week: “The UK cannot afford the array of promises that it has made to the public”? He also said that debt is on a trajectory that the UK “can’t sustain”.

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  26. ParliamentJohn Glen

  27. ParliamentJohn Glen

    Taxes

    The right hon. Gentleman is being generous in giving way. One area the Opposition would be looking at is a coherent reform of the welfare system so that, by changing the pathway to entitlement to benefits, we get that whole budget under control, which would make a meaningful difference to the fiscal position that the Government are in.

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  28. ParliamentJohn Glen

    Taxes

    A few months ago, I met a former civil servant. He told me that when he was working in government in the run-up to the ’97 election, Ed Balls would come into the Department and say, “Look, this is what our manifesto says, but here is the three-page memo on what we are actually going to do in government.” In fairness to that Government, they achieved quite a lot. In their first two years, of course, they stuck rigidly to the Conservative spending plans, and Tony Blair’s economic adviser, Derek Scott, said that they had a golden economic legacy. I have listened very carefully this afternoon to the speeches made by Government Members. Of course, I can acknowledge where we were, in terms of the economy, and the fact that the country wanted change; I recognise that. Government Members, however, have failed completely to acknowledge the scale of the once-in-100-years covid experience, what that did to our public finances, and the challenges it gave us in the Treasury—the tough decisions we had to make, and the inevitable scarring to the economy.

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  29. ParliamentJohn Glen

    Taxes

    I shall just finish my point and then I will give way to the hon. Gentleman. The typical refrain is then to say, “What about Liz Truss?” I was not a member of Liz Truss’s Government, but I am sure that my colleagues who were did the very best that they could. She was in office for seven weeks. I acknowledge that, politically, it was catastrophic for my party, and there are lots of lessons on which we will have time to reflect, but the failure to acknowledge properly the dominant reason for losing that last election, which was related to the scarring of what happened with covid and the fundamental challenges, does not do credit to this House. I shall give way to the hon. Gentleman if he still wants to intervene, presumably on Liz Truss.

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  30. ParliamentJohn Glen

    Taxes

    I will come on to address the fundamental dynamics of spending and that area in particular, but first I want to draw the hon. Gentleman’s attention back to the subject.

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  31. ParliamentJohn Glen

    Taxes

    No, I will a bit of progress now. I will give way to the hon. Gentleman later, even though he did not give way to me earlier. The Chancellor came to the Treasury Committee in November. She said, “We have now set the envelope for spending for this Parliament, and we will not be coming back for more tax increases or, indeed, more borrowing. We now need to live within the means that we have set ourselves in the Budget and in the allocations of those spending totals.” What has happened in a year? Of course, I recognise that events occur, and I have referred to those under the previous Government. They do present challenges, but the Labour party’s fundamental problem is understanding the effect of high burdens of tax on wealth creators and their motivation to employ people and to invest in the productive capacity of the economy—more jobs and more tax revenues from lower rates. This Government are saying that we can do a little bit more on national insurance; that we can just put a few more burdens of regulation; that the long-term capital investment of £190 billion will transform our economy. However, what I hear from businesses in Salisbury—small or large—is that the motivation to grow a business, to employ more people, and to say that they are determined to do so because there are some rewards from that is rapidly diminishing. What we hear is speculation about which additional taxes will be imposed after the next three months. Today, Government Members have suggested equalisation of capital gains tax, a flat rate of pension relief, a wealth tax, or higher bands of council tax—although they may have been ruled out. The overall effect on top of what we have already had is for businesses to say, “I’m not going to do this anymore.” We have now had two consecutive months of negative growth. That may well continue, which is bad for everyone. It is bad for the capacity that we have as a country to invest in the transformation that we all seek to deliver on—some things we will agree on—and it is not sustainable if the Government do not recognise that businesses will not grow and expand if that tax level rises beyond a certain amount.

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  32. ParliamentJohn Glen

    Taxes

    Absolutely. [Interruption.] I am told that I ought not to take any more interventions, but I will say that Liz Truss’s insight about the imperative for growth was right; we do need to look for growth. What she did not do was examine the conditions to do that in a way that the market could understand, and it had catastrophic effects. We now have a Labour Government, and we now have working people being massively affected by tax changes. We have Andrew Bailey, Governor of the Bank of England, saying that as a reaction to the national insurance changes, businesses have made changes to employment—that means firing people—and we have Paul Johnson downgrading growth prospects, alongside virtually every other independent analyst. The winter fuel payments were an absolute disgrace. The changes to agricultural property relief and business property relief were put on my desk at every fiscal event, but one just has to say no, because they are the wrong thing to do. The political capital that has been lost by the Government and the damage to their reputation for their stewardship of the economy is catastrophic. I say to those on the Labour Benches that we are facing some really tough challenges as we approach the next Budget. The choices that this Government need to make on taxes will define their future. What happened last week was the worst possible situation. Several times today we have been asked, “What would you do?” What we would have done and what we would do now is take a root-and-branch look at the welfare system to see what the Government should do. We would focus on the most vulnerable and look after them well. We would recognise that one of the legacies of covid is that the pathway into benefits has gone fundamentally wrong and the country cannot afford it. Unless we grip that major driver of costs for this country, we shall see taxes rise and rise to meet those iron-clad fiscal rules, and we will be in a spiral of decline.

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  33. ParliamentJoe Robertson

    Sustainable Aviation Fuel Bill (Second sitting)

    I have realised that Professor Maslin was an undergraduate tutor of mine quite a few years ago. Professor Maslin: Oh, this is becoming a real embarrassment; it just makes me feel really old. But it is great to see you in a position of power.

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  34. ParliamentJoe Robertson

    Sustainable Aviation Fuel Bill (Second sitting)

    Q By the look of it, you have had an easier life than I have had. I have a fairly brief question. This morning, we heard representations that the SAF mandate is enough in that it creates the demand and requirements that the market will adjust to and fulfil, and that the Bill is therefore not needed. I invite your thoughts and comments on that bold statement. Professor Maslin: I think that is deflection. The Bill is absolutely required. You need to support this fledgling industry; as with any of our green industries, we need to support it so that we can be world leading. SAFs are going to be the future. There are 14,000 planes in the air at any moment, and in 30 years’ time they will hopefully all be flying on SAFs. If we can get our industrial might to actually produce the technology, patent it and push it forward, we will be ahead of the curve, because everybody else is starting to throw money at it.

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  35. ParliamentJames Wild

  36. ParliamentJames Wild

    Beer Duty

    I congratulate the hon. Member for Woking (Mr Forster) on bringing this important debate to Westminster Hall and uniting us behind support for beer—although his colleague the hon. Member for Wokingham (Clive Jones) slightly broke that consensus with my hon. Friend the Member for Kingswinford and South Staffordshire (Mike Wood) on a couple of points. Beer and pub businesses support 1 million jobs across the UK and contribute £34.4 billion to the economy. In my own North West Norfolk constituency, there are more than 70 pubs and four breweries, which support 2,300 jobs and generate £53 million for the local economy. Those brewers are Brancaster, Fox, Lynn and Duration in West Acre—I strongly recommend Duration’s Turtles All the Way Down IPA. This has been a good debate with a long list of excellent-sounding pubs and breweries. The previous Conservative Government introduced a new duty system in 2023, which has been referred to. That was the biggest reform of duties for more than 140 years and was based on the common-sense principle of applying duty based on the strength of alcohol to modernise existing duties, support businesses and meet public health objectives. New reliefs were also introduced: draught relief, which we have heard about, to cut the burden on draught products; and small producer relief. The British Beer and Pub Association, as quoted by the hon. Member for Hartlepool (Mr Brash), said that those reforms were very welcome for the beer industry, and I am sure everyone would agree with that. Conservative support for the sector went further; at autumn statement 2023, we froze alcohol duty, and the freeze was extended at the spring Budget a year ago. By contrast, at the tax-raising autumn Budget, the Chancellor increased the headline rate of alcohol duty by inflation, although she did continue our policy with a reduction in the rates for qualifying draught products and under small producer relief. While I recognise and welcome those steps, the changes to draught relief will mean that beer duty on an average 4.5% strength pint of beer reduces from 54p to 53p—a paltry one penny saving. With the average pint now breaking the £5 barrier to mitigate new costs, many are left wondering if the Government really get the challenges facing the pub and brewing sector. One in every £3 spent in the pub goes straight to the Treasury, and beer duty rates are now up to 12 times higher than in other European nations. The Government’s fiscal approach risks squeezing the life out of those vital sectors. A lot has been said about the role of pubs, and I also want to reflect on the role of breweries. The brewing subsector sustains 85,000 jobs and contributes £5 billion to tax revenues. Breweries are clearly fundamental to the success of pubs and the hospitality sector. More than 80% of beer sold in the UK is produced domestically in 1,800 breweries, which have strong domestic supply chains and a strong economic multiplier effect. The economic value that they generate largely stays in the UK, and the Government should support that in the policy approach that they take. Beyond the increase in alcohol duty, which is the primary focus of this debate, we have also heard a lot about EPR and the extra costs that producers are facing. The BBPA has calculated that EPR fees and Budget costs will add more than £800 million of extra burden on to the sector. The Government’s impact assessment failed to make any distinction between sectors, so will the Minister commit to properly assessing the impact of fees on pub closures and the brewing sector? In the current climate, how can he think that those sectors can afford these huge additional costs? All Members know from talking to pubs and breweries in their constituencies just how worried they are about increased costs. On Friday, I was at the Rose and Crown in Harpley in my constituency, which was one of my favourite pubs under its previous management and has just reopened. From talking to the new team, who have pubs across Norfolk, it is clear that the national insurance increase—in particular, almost halving the threshold at which it is paid—has been challenging and is leading to job losses across the sector. Pubs make an important contribution to our economy and our communities. When in government, we introduced measures to protect the nation’s beer producers and hospitality venues. I pay tribute to my hon. Friend the Member for Kingswinford and South Staffordshire, who was a doughty campaigner throughout the last Parliament to achieve that. Time and again, however, I hear that choices made by this Government are placing unsustainable pressures on businesses. UKHospitality has just published figures showing that since the autumn Budget, 69,000 jobs have been lost in the hospitality sector, compared with the previous period where 18,000 jobs were added. It is little wonder that UKHospitality said that the decisions made by this Chancellor and this Government deliver a hammer blow to the sector. Businesses are extremely concerned about what will come in the autumn Budget, given the black hole that has emerged in the Chancellor’s spending plans. Treasury Ministers keep saying that business confidence is at a record high, and they sometimes manage that without a smile on their face. But if the Minister makes his way to the Dog and Duck, he will get a reality check, and he will hear loud and clear how tough things are for pubs and brewers; how the Government’s increases in national insurance, wage costs and business rates mean a third of venues are running at a loss; and the need for the Government to change course. Otherwise, spiralling costs risk undermining the Great British institution of the pub, which is at the heart of our constituencies and communities. Rather than loading on more costs, the Government should be supporting pubs and brewers. If the Minister does that, we will all buy him a pint.

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  37. ParliamentJames Cartlidge

    Afghanistan

    I am grateful to the Secretary of State for advance sight of his statement and for receipt earlier this morning of a hard copy of the Rimmer review. I also thank the Secretary of State and the Minister for the Armed Forces for briefing me yesterday and other parliamentary colleagues today. Furthermore, given the nature of the super-injunction and the fact that the timing and nature of the statement relate entirely to the court’s lifting of that super-injunction, I recognise that it was entirely right for the Secretary of State to update the House at the earliest opportunity, and I welcome the opportunity that colleagues now have to scrutinise these matters. Let me begin by declaring an interest. I was a Defence Minister in August 2023, when the Department first became aware of the breach, my main role being to chair one meeting on the matter in August 2023 because I was the duty Minister. Thereafter, however, as Minister for Defence Procurement and with this sitting outside my portfolio, I had relatively minimal direct involvement. That said, the Secretary of State has issued an apology on behalf of the Government and I join him in that, and in recognising that this data leak should never have happened and was an unacceptable breach of all relevant data protocols. I also agree that it is right for an apology to be issued specifically to those whose data was compromised. It is nevertheless a fact that cannot be ignored that when this breach came to light, the immediate priority of the then Government was to avoid a very specific and terrible scenario: namely, an error on the part of an official of the British state leading to the torture, or even murder, of persons in the dataset at the hands of what remains a brutal Taliban regime. As the Rimmer review confirms, that scenario, thankfully, appears to have been avoided. Of course, we understand that the review was set up in January and reported to the Secretary of State in June. I want to be clear that it is entirely appropriate that the Secretary of State has sought to update the Department’s understanding of the threat on the ground in Afghanistan that exists today, particularly for those persons in the dataset who had previously been considered to be at the greatest risk of reprisals. However, the House will appreciate that when Ministers became aware of the data breach in August 2023, we did not have the luxury of six months in which to assess the situation. As Rimmer says in paragraph 53: “The review notes that the passage of time is particularly relevant.” I know that my former ministerial colleague—the former Minister for the Armed Forces, James Heappey, who led the response to the leak—will have been focused entirely on what he saw as his duty of care to those at risk of reprisals, based on the threat assessment that pertained at the time. However, any threat picture is constantly evolving, and as I say, I support the Secretary of State’s decision to review the MOD’s understanding of the threat. Given the latest situation, as reported by Rimmer, we support his conclusion that the Afghanistan response route can now be closed. Turning to the super-injunction, I entirely understand why this would be a subject of considerable interest, particularly to the newspapers and media outlets concerned. We have an independent judiciary, and it is not for me to comment either on the decision to grant the injunction in the first place or to lift it today, but it is surely telling that paragraph 56 of the Rimmer review states that planning at the time that the Government became aware of the breach in the summer of 2023 was based on a “risk judgement that were the Taleban to secure access to the dataset, the consequences for affected individuals may be serious.” Had that not been the case, no doubt the Court would have been less likely to grant the injunction, and certainly not a super-injunction. On the leak, can the Secretary of State confirm that it was by a civil servant, and that Ministers at the time took steps to change the casework procedure by not using spreadsheets sent by email, but moving to a more secure system fully within the entirely secure network? Can he confirm that, although the dataset was of about 18,000, only a relatively small portion were identified as at high risk of reprisals, and only a small number had been settled here, which is why, as he stated, the cost is about £400 million, not the £7 billion reported elsewhere? Now that these matters are rightly in the public domain and given the reassessment of the threat in the Rimmer review, I agree that it would be wholly appropriate for the Defence Committee and others to look further into these matters. Can the Secretary of State comment on one specific item being reported, which is that someone—I refer not to the person who made the leak, but another apparent third party who obtained some of the data—was engaged in blackmail? Did the original Metropolitan police investigation look at that, and if not, will he consider reopening it so that the police can look at that specific point, which has serious implications? Although we must recognise the huge role played by Afghan nationals in support of our armed forces, any policy in this area must always be balanced against our own national interest. We support the Government in closing the ARR scheme, as we did with their decision to close the full ARAP programme.

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  38. ParliamentHelen Whately

    Welfare Spending

    I beg to move, That this House believes the two-child benefit cap should remain in place and that households with a third or subsequent child born from 6 April 2017 claiming Universal Credit or Child Tax Credit should not receive additional funding, because those who receive benefits should make the same decisions about having children as those who do not; further believes that lifting the cap would exacerbate a benefits culture which is unfair on the taxpayers who pay for it and unfair on those who become trapped on benefits, because those who can work, should work; and generally supports further changes to reduce welfare spending and ensure that benefits are there only for those who need them. All of us have to make difficult choices in life about what we can afford. Many of us here are fortunate, but one of those choices will have been the number of children we have. We may wish that such an important decision were not tainted by something as unromantic as money, but that is the hard fact of the matter. Children are wonderful—I say that as the mum of three teenagers—but bringing them up is an expensive business. As Conservatives we believe in the importance of family, in personal responsibility, in fairness, and as families and as a society, in living within our means. That is why today we are calling on all Members to affirm our commitment to a policy that reflects those principles. Let me take a step back for a moment and reflect on the situation we are in as a country. We have 28 million people in Britain who are now working to pay the wages, benefits and pensions of 28 million others. More than half of all households received more in benefits and benefits in kind than they have paid in taxes. To spell that out, more people are net recipients than net contributors. That is happening right now, and with every day that passes, spending on benefits is going up and up. Health and disability benefits alone are set to hit £100 billion by the end of the decade. That is more than we spend on defence, on education and on policing. While it might seem kind to spend more on welfare, it is not. It is not kind to those trapped in the welfare system and written off to a lifetime on benefits. As we embark on a doom loop of uncontrolled spending, higher taxes, struggling businesses, entrepreneurial exodus, rising unemployment and then more people out of work and on benefits, it is not kind to those who lose their jobs and their incomes in that cycle of misery. If the moment comes when we cannot afford to provide welfare even to those in desperate need, it most definitely will not be kind to them, the very people our welfare safety net is meant to be there for.

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  39. ParliamentHelen Whately

    Welfare Spending

    I do not agree with the hon. Member. I am going to talk about poverty in a moment, so if he will just hold on, he will hear my view on that point. This is a ticking time bomb. If we do not solve this problem, our economy will collapse, yet opposite me sit members of this Labour Government who have just shown us, with the welfare chaos over the past couple of weeks, that they will not, and indeed cannot, fix this. In fact, they are just making it worse. If hon. Members cast their minds back to early 2020, they will remember that Labour was in the midst of a leadership election. The now Prime Minister made a clear and unequivocal commitment to “scrap…punitive sanctions, two-child limit and benefits cap.” Then, once he had secured the leadership of the Labour party and the election neared, he changed that tune. He said Labour was not going to abolish the two-child limit. He acknowledged the need to take tough decisions and not to make unfunded spending promises, and on this we can agree. But saying that he would take tough decisions is not the same as actually taking them. Take for example the Universal Credit and Personal Independence Payment Bill, now just called the Universal Credit Bill, which Labour voted through last week. It was meant to save £5 billion. The first U-turn brought that down to £2 billion, and the next U-turn then brought it down to—well, the Minister on the Front Bench at the time could not tell us, but the consensus is that it will now cost the taxpayer around £100 million.

    Hansard source
  40. ParliamentHelen Whately

    Welfare Spending

    My hon. Friend makes an important point about the problem of a welfare trap, where people would better be better off on benefits than working full time on the minimum wage.

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