5,731 spoken contributions under 12 words (interjections such as “Will the hon. Member give way?”) are hidden. Show them

1. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Sir Julian Smith

   Good Friday Agreement

   May I add to the tributes paid to the Table Clerk? Among all the advice he has given in the last 40 years, he gave particularly good advice on the meaningful vote, which left many of us traumatised, but he developed great expertise in that. As we celebrate the Good Friday agreement, may I urge the Secretary of State to be crystal clear to the Northern Ireland Assembly and Northern Ireland politicians that there will be less money coming from GB, so there needs to be revenue raising and a sole focus on economic growth for the next Session of the Northern Ireland Assembly?

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2. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Sir Julian Lewis

   Foreign Financial Influence and Interference: UK Politics

   I think the Government are very wise to try to close the potential loophole that somebody might make a giant donation between today and the conclusion of the legislative process, but I can think of at least one other rather glaring loophole, which hopefully the Secretary of State has also considered. If somebody is an elector living abroad, he will be limited to £100,000 per donation, but what about other members of his close family to whom he could channel indefinite numbers of packages of £100,000 apiece? What is to stop them from making similar donations? Has the Secretary of State considered how the limit will work in practice?

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3. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Sir John Hayes

   Nuclear Test Veterans

   I am extremely grateful to the hon. Lady for the warm words that she offered. She gave me too much praise—this is a team effort. She is absolutely right to say that the veterans deserve the most praise. Our friendship in this place was formed through our joint commitment to those veterans and our shared outrage that, over successive Governments and for decades, information was withheld, withdrawn or even distorted. I know she will speak more about that in the short time we have today, but I hope that we get a longer debate. This matter deserves that sort of scrutiny from people from across this Chamber.

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4. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Sir John Hayes

   Nuclear Test Veterans

   I rise principally so that the Minister can compose herself—her emotion and her commitment are evident. I have stood at the Dispatch Box over 19 years on both sides of this Chamber, and I know what it is like to be a Minister. I simply say to her, echoing the call of the hon. Member for Salford (Rebecca Long Bailey), that this is a real opportunity. It is an opportunity to right a wrong. The Minister would stand proud, and she would do the Government proud, but, most importantly, she will do the veterans and the country proud, if she can right that wrong.

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5. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Sir John Hayes

   Nuclear Test Veterans

   I feel I am doing a service to the Government this afternoon. It is absolutely right that specific answers are given to the questions that were posed by the hon. Member for Salford (Rebecca Long Bailey), who I congratulate on securing the debate. The key thing is that we have met successive Ministers—I first met the now Lord Beamish when he was a Member of this House—and they were, generally speaking, sympathetic, but they were not always given the information. In truth, had it not been for David Cameron, who gave the money to the charity when I was at the Cabinet Office, and Boris Johnson, who met my friend the hon. Member for Salford—she is not technically my hon. Friend but she is my friend—in Downing Street, we would not have got the medal, so it sometimes does take those personal interventions. From what the Minister has said already, I am sure that she is more than capable of cutting through the bureaucracy, the red tape and the obfuscation, in order to get to the heart of the matter.

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6. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Sir James Cleverly

   Foreign Financial Influence and Interference: UK Politics

   I thank the Secretary of State for advance sight of his statement. I echo his thanks to Mr Rycroft for the work that he has done on a very important report. We began work in this area through the defending democracy taskforce, and I am glad to see the Minister for Security in his place to highlight the important link between the work of this report and the work that he does. There should be no party political divide when it comes to protecting the integrity of our democracy, and there is a great deal in the report that my party instinctively agrees with. However, the process falls far short of what this House should expect. The 50-page Rycroft review was published just 20 minutes before Prime Ministers questions, and only five minutes before one of the Secretary of State’s Ministers was hosting a meeting to which I was invited about local government reorganisation, making it very difficult for me to read the detail of the report—[Interruption.] That made it very difficult for me to read the detail of an incredibly important report which, as I said, contains much with which we instinctively agree. This is not just poor procedure; it means that it is harder for the Opposition to scrutinise the actions of the Government properly, particularly in light of the fact that many of the proposals in the report are being initiated immediately. Sadly, this follows a pattern of behaviour by this Government. The Representation of the People Bill has already been through Second Reading and is in Committee, yet today is the first time we are seeing important elements of a report that goes to the heart of that legislation. Foreign interference is growing and it demands a coherent response—a cross-party response—and yet this Government choose to legislate first and make announcements later. They brought forward the Representation of the People Bill before the Rycroft review had reported; they asked the House to scrutinise legislation that was full of holes, as the Secretary of State is now announcing from the Dispatch Box. This is not good process. My comments are not about process for process’s sake, but about ensuring that unforeseen or bad outcomes are avoided, while protecting what needs to be protected. Now we are told that major changes—fundamental changes—on donations, enforcement and transparency are being rushed into a Bill late in its passage, without proper consultation, scrutiny or time. That is not the way to ensure that cross-party policy is successfully implemented. It is right that the Secretary of State and the Government want to send a clear message that they take this issue seriously, and we echo that desire, but this is not the way to do it. Announcing Government action by press release, then filling in the details later, undermines the important work at the heart of the report. Russia’s aggression, Iran’s hostile activity on British soil, cyber-attacks on our institutions and Chinese state-based activity against us here in the UK make it incredibly important that we fight this fight together. Having these things bumped on the House, in the way that this report has been, does not help. The Secretary of State knows that the Conservatives are very much on the same side in relation to these matters, so I have a number of questions for him, which I will rattle through now. Why did he not wait for the Rycroft report before introducing the Representation of the People Bill in the House? Which of the review’s recommendations will require primary legislation and what time will be provided for that primary legislation? Will he commit to a full consultation with political parties and regulators before making any substantive amendments to the Bill going through the House? From an initial reading, the proposals on company donations will have a significant effect on legitimate domestic donations, so why are the Government proposing to treat domestic philanthropy as if it were something distasteful? Will the Secretary of State confirm that these changes will not be brought forward without proper consultation and consideration on the effects of legitimate domestic funding? Foreign interference is not the only threat to the integrity of our elections. We have seen evidence of breaches of electoral law, so what steps will the Secretary of State take to ensure that current legislation is enforced? Will the Secretary of State tighten the rules on foreign donations? He talked about devolved franchise changes in Wales and Scotland. What will he do to make sure that the forthcoming elections are protected? Finally, does he now accept that a very short pause to enable good faith interventions from my party and others would make this legislation stronger and send the signal that we are united as a democracy in this endeavour?

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7. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Sir Iain Duncan Smith

   Engagements

   The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps is responsible for the rise of antisemitism worldwide and here in the United Kingdom; for inciting extreme Islamist attacks; for attacking dissident Iranians and British citizens; and for fomenting all sorts of hate marches. I have a very simple question. We are now at war with Iran, whether we like it or not, yet the reality is that we have never dealt with this organisation. This is not party political; will the Prime Minister make the decision now to proscribe this brutal bunch of thugs and send them packing, or arrest them and put them in jail right now? Get rid of this organisation.

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8. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Sir Edward Leigh

   Engagements

   On a point of order, Mr Speaker. May I refer you to paragraph 22.9 of “Erskine May”, which stresses the primary importance of ministerial responsibility? We have to admit that Prime Ministers have always tried to dodge questions at Prime Minister’s Question Time, and you are not responsible for the answers that they give, but what we have seen in recent weeks is not just dodging questions; in reply to every question the Prime Minister is asked, he refers to the Leader of the Opposition’s policies. This is not Leader of the Opposition’s questions; it is Prime Minister’s questions.

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9. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Sir Ashley Fox

   Victims and Courts Bill

   I was slightly concerned when I heard the Minister say that she was “working at pace”—that is the phrase that Ministers in the Ministry of Defence have used about the defence investment plan, which has been repeatedly postponed and still is not with us—so can she give a more precise timescale? Does that mean sometime in the next 12 months?

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10. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Sir Ashley Fox

    Victims and Courts Bill

    The Minister will forgive me if I describe what she has announced as a whole load of waffle. The problem is that the 28-day period is too short, and she should consider some mechanism to allow it to be extended. Providing for training, notices and stuff on websites will not help many victims, who just need more time to consider their legal position. At this late stage, will she consider extending the 28-day period?

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11. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Sir Ashley Fox

    Victims and Courts Bill

    If there was no intention to delete the data, why did the Chair of the Justice Committee write to the Lord Chancellor asking him to stop the deletion of that data?

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12. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Simon Hoare

    Foreign Financial Influence and Interference: UK Politics

    As a former elections policy Minister and member of the defending democracy taskforce, may I thank the Secretary of State for launching this inquiry? I also thank Philip Rycroft for his work; it was a pleasure to give evidence to him during that process. I welcome the spirit in which the Secretary of State has brought forward with urgency the changes that are so demonstrably required. May I ask him two direct questions? If amendments to reflect the Rycroft report are not to be tabled at Committee stage but on Report, will he ensure through the usual channels that the length of time devoted to Report stage reflects the fact that the House will be debating for the first time amendments to the legislation, which were not included on Second Reading? That speaks to the process point made by the shadow Secretary of State, my right hon. Friend the Member for Braintree (Sir James Cleverly). If these important new rules are to be policed effectively and properly, there will clearly be additional demands on the Electoral Commission both in terms of power and resource. What assessment has the Secretary of State made of those needs and how will they be delivered in speedy time to mirror the urgency that is required?

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13. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Robbie Moore

    Proposed Visitor Levy

    It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Efford. I thank my right hon. Friend the Member for East Hampshire (Damian Hinds) for securing this incredibly important debate. Numerous constituents have contacted me about the proposals, which are causing great concern for the hospitality sector and tourist and charity groups across Keighley and Ilkley. In February I met Toby Hammond, the lead volunteer for West Yorkshire Scouts. He first got in touch with me following comments made by Chief Scout Dwayne Fields about the impacts that the proposed tourist tax would have on youth groups such as the Scouts, Brownies and Girl Guides. For months, Toby has been campaigning tirelessly to seek an exemption from the proposed tourist tax for under-18s and volunteer groups. He has written to four metro mayors, 14 Members of Parliament and 159 local councillors, and amassed 64,000 views on social media posts to do with this campaign. I have no doubt that it was because of his efforts and others’ that West Yorkshire has now secured a full exemption from any future visitor levy for Scouts, Girl Guides and Brownies, as confirmed last night via a tweet by the Mayor of West Yorkshire on X. Given those efforts, how must it have felt for Toby and other Scout, Brownie and Girl Guide leaders across West Yorkshire to be dismissed merely as scaremongers by Mayor of West Yorkshire Tracy Brabin? They have been raising these issues for months, but the mayor’s office refused to publicly back an exemption for Scouts and Girl Guides until late last night via a tweet on X. It seems that the West Yorkshire mayoralty jumped before it was pushed. I sincerely hope that the Minister will join me in encouraging all metro mayors across the country to guarantee an exemption for under-18s and charity groups from any additional levy on overnight stays, to avoid a postcode lottery scenario for volunteer-led groups. On postcode lotteries, I have definitely won the lottery in representing Keighley and Ilkley, because it is a wonderful place with incredible attractions such as Cliffe Castle, East Riddlesden Hall, the moorlands and Brontë country—Ilkley and Haworth—which attract thousands of visitors a year. However, it is not London, Paris or Milan and therefore does not need to keep up with its so-called international counterparts, which is how one West Yorkshire Labour MP has tried to justify proposals for this levy to her constituents. The vast majority of people staying overnight in our area are British workers, families and young people, which means that it is not really a tourist tax at all. It is another tax on British people, which could cost an average family going on holiday in England an extra £100, meaning fewer nights spent overnight in accommodation in constituencies such as mine—in Keighley and Ilkley. I fear that once these funds are collected, there will be no ringfencing associated with the tax coming from places such as Ilkley and Haworth; it will simply go into the West Yorkshire pot to be spent elsewhere. Quite frankly, there are no winners with this tax: our young people, businesses and constituents will see increased costs, and some businesses may never recover. Does the Minister agree that the businesses, Scout leaders and tourist groups that have shared their concerns about this tax with me are not scaremongers but good, hard-working people with genuine concerns about what a visitor levy could mean for them and their livelihoods?

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14. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Rebecca Paul

    Courts and Tribunals Bill (First sitting)

    Q Thank you for your time, Claire. If I am interpreting your answer correctly, your basis for supporting the removal of jury trials is that it will save time and allow victims to get justice quicker. Would your position change if that is not the case and those time savings do not come through? Claire Waxman: That is impossible to answer. We need to see it happen. You need to come back to me and say if it is not going to reduce—

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15. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Rebecca Paul

    Courts and Tribunals Bill (First sitting)

    Q Your letter says that this will result in quicker justice for victims, and that is why you support it. My question is: if that is not the case, would you not support it? Claire Waxman: It is the case. The Crown court is overburdened. You have heard Sir Brian Leveson’s analysis; it cannot continue in the state it is in. If we do not take appropriate cases out of the Crown court, then what is the answer?

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16. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Rebecca Paul

    Courts and Tribunals Bill (First sitting)

    Q That suggests to me that if it did not save time, you would not support the proposal. Claire Waxman: But I cannot imagine it. If you are taking cases out of the Crown court that cannot deal with the pressure, that will save time.

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17. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Rebecca Paul

    Courts and Tribunals Bill (First sitting)

    That is what we will be analysing over the next few weeks—whether it will or not.

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18. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Rebecca Paul

    Courts and Tribunals Bill (First sitting)

    Q I thank you all for being here. I know that this must be incredibly difficult. You are incredibly brave, and it is wonderful to see you channelling something that was so negative for you in a positive way, so thank you for that. We have focused a lot on jury trials, but there is a real opportunity here to think about what we need to deliver improvements in our judicial system, because the thing we all agree on here is that it is not working as it should. We might disagree on the best way to address that, but we do agree on the fact that change is needed in some form. What would you like to see in this Bill that is not there? What is needed to address some of the issues? Any of you who want to answer, please feel free to take the question. Jade Blue McCrossen-Nethercott: It is a very big question. It is tricky, because I do not think that we can really ask for perfection; we are very much asking for a system that is bearable and has a bit of credibility about it. That just has to be centred, with lived experience at the forefront. So often, many victims, myself included, have said that it feels like it has gone so far to the defence side that it is no longer a justice balance. It has flipped so much on that side that I really want to urge you to consider that aspect: that it feels like the balance has gone in favour of the defence, essentially. In any decisions that you make about the Bill, just consider rebalancing that and ensuring that victims’ voices are centred in the decision-making process. If increasing magistrates to the three-year limit reduces the delays by even a small percentage, that can only be a positive thing. All those smaller elements will eventually snowball into more meaningful change across the entire sector. I could ramble on, so I will let someone else have a go. Charlotte Meijer: I guess the other thing to add, which has been discussed a few times already, is the training of judges and magistrates. We have to find a way to do that—you would not let an untrained teacher into a school—because they are making decisions that mean life or death. After my not guilty verdict, I tried to kill myself, because nobody believed me, clearly. There is a huge impact. Things do need to change. As I mentioned, I was a victim of rape. The rape did not go to court, because of many mistakes. The police offered to reinvestigate and I declined, because I knew what I would be going into and I did not want to go into that again, as it stands. A lot of that is about not just the courts, but the process leading up to it: the police and the CPS, and making sure that the police, the CPS and the courts are working together, which at the moment they are not. I am going through a three-year complaints process with the police, and they just blame each other. There needs to be accountability from start to end, because, while the Government have many different institutions that you deal with as a victim, you do not always understand it. You should not have to. I should not have to know that the CPS needs to do this and the police need to do that. It should be me coming in and other people understanding that journey for me and holding them to account. There are no consequences if the victims’ rights we have at the moment are not adhered to. I was failed on at least seven points of the victims’ rights, but there is nothing that anyone can do. It has gone up to the ombudsman, and they said, “Yes, they failed”—great.

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19. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Rebecca Paul

    Courts and Tribunals Bill (Second sitting)

    Q Today, 58 out of 516 Crown court rooms are not sitting. Do you agree that it would be better to address that issue—and how would we address it?—rather than limiting jury trials? Kirsty Brimelow: May I deal with that briefly? Absolutely, if you open the courts, then the courts can hear the cases. Also, let us look at the reason for the lack of productivity. Our courts are just not sitting as many hours as they did in 2016 or 2017. We should get the number of hours back up, and cut out the delays even in the courts that are sitting. That includes looking at the defendants being brought to court late. We are collecting data on that, and it is an astonishingly high number. Around a quarter of the data we have collected so far shows defendants being brought more than five hours late to court. You attack that, do the type of listing that is working now, bring the investment in quickly—

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20. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Rebecca Paul

    Courts and Tribunals Bill (Second sitting)

    Q I am interested in your data. Do you see any differences in different groups electing for a judge-only trial? If you do see a difference—I am talking about age and various other protected characteristics—why do you think that there is one? Doug Downey: That is a great question. I do not have data on the different groups electing, but we often see high-profile matters trying to move towards a jury. We know that individuals with very technical defences or very technical legal approaches will sometimes go to a judge, so that they can have that expressed. It really depends on the facts of the case, as opposed to the kind of case. I do not have running data on that, so I hesitate to be categorical. The motivation for going to jury, or not, can change with the theory of the case, the approach of the lawyer and, ultimately, the client.

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21. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Peter Fortune

    Proposed Visitor Levy

    As ever, my right hon. Friend is making an excellent speech. One of the concerns that businesses have is that this policy was not in the Government’s manifesto, so they are now trying to prepare for something that has come as a surprise. There has been no consultation on this levy, so by introducing it now the Government are making a very difficult situation even worse. Does my right hon. Friend agree that this is not the best way to help businesses thrive?

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22. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Peter Fortune

    Engagements

    Q15. As we move towards the Easter recess, I am sure the Prime Minister’s thoughts are turning to the miracle of resurrection. My constituents have asked me to resurrect something: cash in shops. One in seven shops in the past year has moved to being cashless. That risks leaving behind those on low income or the elderly. Indeed, we heard today about the risk posed to our economic liberty by the move to digital devices, as mobile phones can be lost, stolen or other. What is the Prime Minister doing to ensure that nobody is left behind in a cashless society?

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23. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Nigel Huddleston

    Proposed Visitor Levy

    I refer hon. Members to my entry in the Register of Members’ Financial Interests. As always, it is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Mr Efford. I congratulate my right hon. Friend the Member for East Hampshire (Damian Hinds) on securing the debate and speaking so wisely, enthusiastically and knowledgeably about the sector in his opening remarks; to the relief of everybody, that means that I will not speak as long as I originally thought I would. I have to start with a basic question to the Minister: what do the Labour Government have against the tourism industry? I mean that in all seriousness because, since the Chancellor’s first Budget, we have seen more than 200,000 job losses, and more than half of them have been in the tourism and hospitality sector. Why does that sector seem to be singled out for additional taxes on top of the burdensome ones already imposed across the breadth of the private sector? Why does the tourism sector seem to be particularly paying the price, especially given how important it is to the UK economy? It brings joy to millions of people—both domestic and overseas visitors—every year, generates more than £147 billion in economic activity and employs well over 2 million people—about 3.5 million, if we include the broader tourism and hospitality sector. Of course, as my right hon. Friend the Member for East Hampshire pointed out, it is also a major generator of export revenue, adding more than £30 billion a year. That is greater than the car industry and greater than the defence industry, but it is being singled out for yet more taxes. Why? How often do we have to say that we cannot generate economic growth by whacking up taxes, and we cannot create jobs by making it more expensive to employ people? That is why we are seeing unemployment. Before I go on to further details and probably more negative comments, I want to take the opportunity, as many colleagues have, to praise the sector. Our tourism industry is a British success story, and we are very proud of it. Everyone who has contributed has spoken proudly about the amazing things in their constituencies that attract people domestically and from around the world. It is not just the overt tourism things, but our beautiful landscape, incredible heritage, specific tourist offerings and beautiful beaches. We have a lot to offer the world, so we should be proud of this sector, but that raises the question of why it is being hit so hard. It is a major employer in every one of our constituencies. This is already a highly taxed sector. Those are not just my words; the former Tourism Minister, the hon. Member for Rhondda and Ogmore (Chris Bryant), said that a few months ago. He also said the Government had no intention of bringing in a tourism tax, but a few weeks later the Government are doing just that. It has been pointed out that this was not a manifesto commitment, just as the national insurance increases were not. The credibility of this policy is therefore already in question, especially when it comes on top of those national insurance increases and the changes to the thresholds, as well as business rates changes that have undermined the retail, hospitality and leisure sectors, and significant above-inflation increases in the minimum wage. We support and have supported increases in the minimum wage, but the increase so far above inflation for younger people has had a disproportionately negative impact on their employment prospects. The tourism sector is primarily an avenue for young people, so we have had increased unemployment and huge amounts of missed opportunity for people to have what could have been their first job in an amazing sector. It has been said frequently today that this is not just a tourism tax, but a tax on overnight stays—I agree with my Liberal Democrat colleague, the hon. Member for Harrogate and Knaresborough (Tom Gordon), who made that point a few moments ago. It is an overnight accommodation tax, and it is therefore unclear who exactly would be within the remit. Yes, obviously hotels and hostels, but is it caravans, tents and B&Bs? Will the private rented sector and other sectors be included? Who would be included? Would there be exceptions for groups such as Guides and others, who rely heavily on and get great joy out of overnight stays? As has been said, even if it is proposed at an early stage that the level should be £2 per person per night, that is an additional £56 on a family holiday for four over a seven-day period. That might not sound like a lot to a lot of people, but in the shoulder seasons in a caravan park, for example, it could add a quarter or more to the cost of a holiday. That would make the decision about whether to go very real, and could do immense damage to the shoulder season. One of the most important things we need to do, particularly for our coastal resorts, is extend the shoulder season to increase the sector’s productivity. I am sure the Minister will comment about how this tax fits into the overall finances of local government and could help local authorities, but there are many practical concerns about how it could be implemented. My right hon. Friend the Member for East Hampshire asked whether we could get a guarantee that the money would be ringfenced. There is a suspicion that the tourism industry would be subsidising and paying towards broader local government finance. Would the tourism tax end up paying for adult and children’s social care? Unless the Minister can guarantee that that will not be the case, that will always be the suspicion. Tourism taxes are often brought in around the world and then spent on additional tourism and marketing, tourist centres or supporting local tourism offerings. If there is a suspicion that this tourism tax will be spent on other things, it will be doomed to fail from the beginning. The history of all these taxes also shows that, although they may be brought in at a very low level, they always go in just one direction: up and up. So the £56 a week I mentioned could quickly become a much bigger amount. Is the Minister therefore considering putting a cap in the legislation on the maximum amount that could be achieved? Other hon. Members have mentioned that sometimes when these taxes are brought in, there is the quid pro quo of a lower VAT rate; very rarely is there both a high VAT rate and a tourism tax. There are other points to consider. The hon. Member for Strangford (Jim Shannon) raised the point about the challenges if one area raises a tax and another does not, and he has experience of that on the border between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. What if Cornwall brought in a tax but Devon did not? Businesses right on the border would face stark issues because of perfectly reasonable decisions made by holidaymakers. That would be through no fault of their own, but because of a decision made by local government. The hon. Member for Cities of London and Westminster (Rachel Blake) spoke of the peculiarities of local government in London, where we have the boroughs and the mayor, and that point has been raised by Conservative councillors as well. She made the reasonable argument that if the tax is brought in, it maybe needs to be split; otherwise, all the benefit goes to one and some of the costs go to others. The hon. Member for South Shields (Emma Lewell) raised the fear that if this tax is brought in, there could be 33,000 or more job losses in a sector that is already suffering—I mentioned the over 100,000 jobs that have already been lost in hospitality and leisure. There are real concerns here. I have further questions for the Minister. The key one is about ringfencing: can we please make sure that we can include in the English Devolution and Community Empowerment Bill—if it comes in—that the money will be ringfenced for tourism? Has an assessment been made of the impact of this tax? Can the Minister confirm whether she has had discussions about VisitBritain and VisitEngland spending, which has also been cut? That is the argument I am making: why are the Government constantly attacking this sector, reducing its funding and increasing taxes on it, when it used to be a great success story? Could the Minister confirm whether she will support Conservative party proposals for 100% business rates relief for retail, hospitality and leisure? There is an alternative to constant increases in taxes. Whatever the problems may be with local government finances—and there are challenges—we all recognise that they should not and cannot be resolved off the back of an already struggling tourism industry. This is the wrong tax at the wrong time. But if it is coming in, can the Minister assure us that the money raised from tourism will absolutely, 100% be spent on tourism?

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24. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Nick Timothy

    Victims and Courts Bill

    In a week when the Government have been reprimanded for letting foreign criminals out of prison without proper checks or safeguards, have been found to have done absolutely nothing as a firm that was due to build thousands of prison places went bust 18 months ago, and ended short-term sentences, allowing prolific shoplifters and other criminals to escape prison, it is beyond disappointing that they seek today to overturn perfectly sensible Lords amendments. The amendments would make the criminal justice system more transparent and give victims stronger rights to challenge unduly lenient sentences. We must ask: why are this Government so afraid of the public? Why do Ministers not trust the people? Why do they want to keep injustice—from rape gangs, to serious criminals getting away with a few brief years in prison—out of the spotlight? [Interruption.] Labour Members sigh and moan when I raise the rape gangs. That is exactly the mentality that the country is sick of, and it lies behind the failure to prosecute those cases. We support Lords amendment 2 on expanding the victims code for murder, manslaughter and infanticide abroad. We support Lords amendment 4 to remove clause 12 from the Bill, because that clause will deliver few savings while undermining access to justice. We support Lords amendments 5 and 6, which strengthen the unduly lenient sentence scheme. Amendment 5 introduces an exceptional circumstances clause that allows the deadline to be extended beyond 28 days, and amendment 6 requires the Justice Secretary to ensure that victims and their families are aware of their rights under the scheme. Those are welcome suggestions. I pay tribute to Katie Brett and the rest of Justice for Victims, and to Tracey Hanson, for their campaigning on this front. They have been consistent in making clear that they want meaningful change, not half measures. Just last week, I wrote to the Attorney General about the case of Mohammed Abdulraziq, who dragged a five-year-old girl off the street so that he could sexually assault her. He was sentenced to only 11 years in prison, and in all probability, he will be out in just seven. Monsters like him need to be kept away from children. The Government’s opposition to these amendments weakens justice and reduces public protection. I heard what the Minister said about looking at legislation in future, and we will hold her to those words. The failure to trust the people goes not just for the unduly lenient sentence scheme, but for wider transparency in the criminal justice system, and it is on that point that I will focus the rest of my remarks. We Conservatives do trust the people, so we support Lords amendment 1, which entitles victims to free transcripts of route-to-verdict and bail decisions, and Lords amendment 3, which requires the publication of Crown court transcripts of judges’ sentencing remarks, online and for free, within 14 days of a request made by any member of the public. The Minister explained the Government’s position on those amendments, and amid the verbiage I could discern only excuses. She sounded like the driver of a broken-down train, who, with passengers stranded miles from the nearest station, was doing her best to assure everyone that the train was indeed moving. Of course everyone knows that there is no movement; the train that we are on is entirely stationary. This is an important lesson for the Minister and other members of the Government: the repetition of fiction does not make something fact. We can all see exactly what is and is not happening. I want to explain why this is so important. Of course, we want to see how the provisions of the Sentencing Act are implemented, but it is simply not acceptable for victims to be charged as much as £7,000 for a transcript. It is vital that we allow transparency, to make it easier for victims, journalists and the wider public to see what is going on in our courts and detect patterns. We know from too many tragedies, and too many cover-ups, that sunlight is always the best disinfectant. Let us consider the Courtsdesk scandal. When the Justice Secretary tried to shut down that vital, searchable archive of court hearings, he caused an outcry. Before Courtsdesk, official court listings matched reality just 4.2% of the time. Two thirds of courts routinely heard cases that the media never knew about. From crimes committed by illegal immigrants in asylum hotels and weak sentences for paedophiles, to people dragged through the courts for breaking lockdown rules years after the pandemic and offending by convicted criminals who should have been tagged but were not, Courtsdesk helped journalists to join the dots, securing justice for victims and exposing failures in policy. I still want to know why the Justice Secretary wanted to delete that archive, and why Ministers blamed Courtsdesk for a serious data breach, when documents released since show that the Ministry of Justice considered the breach low risk and not worthy of a referral to the Information Commissioner. I will give way if the Minister wishes to explain. [Interruption.]

    Hansard source
25. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Nick Timothy

    Victims and Courts Bill

    I think the Minister has been taking lessons from the Prime Minister. She may as well have been reading the phonebook in answering the question. [Interruption.] Well, the answer that she just gave was completely unsatisfactory. There was an attempt to delete the archive.

    Hansard source
26. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Nick Timothy

    Victims and Courts Bill

    That is a good point. The Minister has her side of the argument, but on the other side is the Justice Committee, pretty much every journalist involved in crime and court reporting, the company involved and Opposition parties of all colours. I think we know what is going on. I was relieved that, after the Conservative campaign to save Courtsdesk, the Justice Secretary bottled it and backed down. He should do the same today by backing Lords amendments 1 and 3. The lack of transparency in our criminal justice system explains some of the darkest moments in our history. The crimes of the rape gangs were despicable. They were racially and religiously aggravated, and victims were targeted because of their vulnerability. The criminals were not just the rapists but all those who colluded and were complicit in those depraved, sustained attacks: police officers, social workers, local officials and councillors. Some were guilty because they abused those poor girls themselves, some because they helped others to abuse them, and some because they had the chance to stop it but refused to do so. Some were motivated by malice, and some chose to tolerate evil because they did not want to challenge the official narrative about diversity and multiculturalism. With the rape gangs, and with other acts of corruption and criminality, we know that the politics of communalism is so often lurking. In parts of our country, clan culture is corrupting our public institutions and the rule of law itself. As we saw in the west midlands recently, the authorities chose not only to turn a blind eye, but to make themselves the willing tools of those they should confront. If we want to confront all these things, and if we want to save our country from corruption and ruin, we need victims of crime, journalists, campaigners and the general public to be given the information that they need to expose the truth. We need the Government not to hinder this noble cause, but to use their power to ensure that justice is done. That is why we need far more transparency in the justice system, and why today we will vote in favour of Lords amendments 1 and 3.

    Hansard source
27. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Ms Nusrat Ghani

    Foreign Financial Influence and Interference: UK Politics

    Order. Those Members who have come into the Chamber extremely late will not be called to participate in the statement. Members have to be here for the beginning of a statement, not for the last minute of it. I call the shadow Secretary of State.

    Hansard source
28. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Ms Nusrat Ghani

    Foreign Financial Influence and Interference: UK Politics

    I call the Chair of the Public Administration and Constitutional Affairs Committee.

    Hansard source
29. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Ms Nusrat Ghani

    Foreign Financial Influence and Interference: UK Politics

    Order. I appreciate that colleagues want to be forensic in their questioning, but shorter questions will be very much appreciated. I call Dr Andrew Murrison.

    Hansard source
30. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Ms Nusrat Ghani

    Foreign Financial Influence and Interference: UK Politics

    Order. Before the Secretary of State responds, the right hon. and learned Member for Fareham and Waterlooville (Suella Braverman) will know that when we plan to mention colleagues in the Chamber, we give them notice.

    Hansard source
31. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Ms Nusrat Ghani

    Foreign Financial Influence and Interference: UK Politics

    She is saying that she has done so. We obviously do not mention live cases either.

    Hansard source
32. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Ms Nusrat Ghani

    Foreign Financial Influence and Interference: UK Politics

    I am completely disappointed with myself for not wishing the hon. Member for Strangford (Jim Shannon) a happy birthday today. [Hon. Members: “Hear, hear!”] That is why his question was allowed to be a little bit longer than usual, but hopefully it will not be next time.

    Hansard source
33. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Ms Nusrat Ghani

    Points of Order

    I thank the hon. Member for giving notice of his point of order. This is not a matter for the Chair, but those on the Treasury Bench will no doubt have heard exactly what he had to say and will, I hope, ensure that his comments are addressed and taken on board—

    Hansard source
34. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Ms Nusrat Ghani

    Points of Order

    I can see the Secretary of State looking at me and nodding. Let’s take that as a positive.

    Hansard source
35. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Ms Nusrat Ghani

    Points of Order

    The hon. Member has put his point appropriately on the record. I have not been given any notice of such statements, but the Front Bench has no doubt heard his concerns and will respond accordingly.

    Hansard source
36. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Ms Nusrat Ghani

    Points of Order

    The hon. Member will know that I am not responsible for the inner workings of the Cabinet Office—that is a matter for the Government. I would, however, say that I know the House awaits with interest further disclosure of material under the Humble Address. I gently encourage Members to wait and see what is released, and should they require further advice at that time, the Clerks will be available.

    Hansard source
37. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Ms Nusrat Ghani

    Points of Order

    It is of the utmost importance that Ministers take their responsibilities to this House seriously. I would always expect timely answers to written parliamentary questions. They should be within scope and within the deadline, obviously. The Treasury Front Bench will have heard his concerns. The hon. Member may also wish to raise this issue with the Procedure Committee, which is running an inquiry into written parliamentary questions.

    Hansard source
38. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Ms Nusrat Ghani

    Points of Order

    I thank the hon. Member for giving notice of his point of order. The contents of Members’ speeches, including ministerial answers, are a matter for them and not for the Chair. However, he has put his point on the record, and I am sure that the Defence Secretary will no doubt have heard this point of order and will be quick to correct the record if necessary.

    Hansard source
39. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Ms Nusrat Ghani

    Victims and Courts Bill

    I can inform the House that Lords amendments 4 and 7 engage the Commons’ financial privilege. If either of those Lords amendments are agreed to, I will cause the customary entry waiving the Commons’ financial privilege to be entered in the Journal. After Clause 7 Access to free court transcripts for victims

    Hansard source
40. 25 Mar 2026·Parliament·Ms Nusrat Ghani

    Victims and Courts Bill

    With this it will be convenient to discuss Lords amendments 2 to 7 and the Government motions to disagree.

    Hansard source