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Conservative and Unionist Party

5,575 spoken contributions under 12 words (interjections such as “Will the hon. Member give way?”) are hidden. Show them

  1. ParliamentRebecca Smith

    Higher Education Funding

    I am going to make some progress. I do not want to burst the bubble of the hon. Member for Sunderland Central (Lewis Atkinson), but Plymouth has also had dentistry offered as a subject. Unfortunately, only about 5% of the students are from Plymouth and nearly all of them leave the area, so although we absolutely need more dentistry students, so far that has not quite been the mechanism to solve the crisis that we hope it will be—although that is a debate for another time. To respond to the topic of the debate, let me put it on record that the Opposition recognise the enormous value and significance of the UK’s university sector in terms of its economic and societal contribution. The National Centre for Universities and Businesses argues that the UK’s universities are “one of our greatest strategic assets. They educate the future workforce, conduct world leading research, and act as anchor institutions in their regions—supporting businesses, driving innovation, and powering local growth.” Economically, universities contribute around £265 billion to the UK economy and support more than 800,000 jobs. The return on investment is also staggering. For every £1 of public money invested in the higher education sector across the country, £14 is put back into the economy. In addition, there is no doubt that universities are some of the most critical engines of growth and prosperity at the regional level. As the proud Member of Parliament <span id="153WH" class="column-number" data-column-number="153WH"></span>for South West Devon, I know the huge role that the sector plays across the south-west. We have 10 universities with more than 200,000 students between them, employing more than 31,000 people and contributing £7.8 billion of gross output. Plymouth Marjon University, Arts University Plymouth and the University of Plymouth are certainly playing their part. I am meeting the vice-chancellor of Plymouth University tomorrow to discuss this very topic. Although I unfortunately cannot add any more today, I know that he wants to talk to me about the struggles that the university is facing. Notwithstanding this vital economic contribution, it would be wrong to look at universities purely in terms of their economic output. Universities help to shape the society we all live in. They equip young people with the skills needed to navigate an increasingly fractured society. They teach young people to think critically and outside the box, skills that I believe will be essential in a Britain where communities are more divided than ever and the spectre of the AI revolution looms over us all. It is beyond clear that universities will play a central role in Britain for decades to come. That is our view, but we are not blind to the big challenges facing the sector. It is no secret that real and imminent challenges face the UK’s university sector. A May 2026 report from the Education Committee went so far as to claim that the sector faces a financial crisis that poses a real risk of institutional insolvency. The report laid bare the terrible state of some universities’ finances, with the Office for Students fearing that 24 providers could face insolvency within the next 12 months. Against this uncertain backdrop, universities are being forced to close courses and sell buildings to cut costs and make efficiencies. The difficulties facing universities are explained well in the Policy Exchange report, “Tarnished Towers”. It argues that high inflation, pension pressures and a reduction in international student numbers have created a perfect storm for our universities. It all seems to be compounded by a lack of action from the Government thus far. A Universities UK report from February 2026 found that Government policy decisions will “lead to an estimated £3.7 billion reduction in funding to higher education providers in England from 2024-25 to 2029-30.” Its analysis shows the impact of Government immigration policy, but also the damaging shock that the sector received through increased pension and employment costs. In 2020, Keir Starmer made scrapping university tuition fees the centrepiece of his leadership campaign. Indeed, in June 2023, the previous Education Secretary even had the audacity to claim that graduates would pay less under a Labour Government. Students right across the country felt betrayed and let down by the Government’s broken promises when the previous Education Secretary announced in November 2024 that Labour would push up tuition fees for students. In that debate, the shadow Education Secretary, my right hon. Friend the Member for Sevenoaks (Laura Trott), said that she would be willing to work with the Government to support universities and students. His Majesty’s Opposition are yet to be invited to work constructively with the Government on that—indeed, we have heard very little at all from the Government about what they want to do. I hope the Minister can shed some light on the Government’s plans to support our university sector.<span id="154WH" class="column-number" data-column-number="154WH"></span> The new Education Secretary has been keen to talk about her plans to reform technical education, but aside from providing a statement on that issue in the House, we have heard little else. She has not come to the House to clarify when the Government will bring forward the legislation they promised at the King’s Speech to support children with SEND and their families, or to talk about the challenges facing the university sector. I am grateful to the hon. Member for Sheffield Central for securing this debate, as it gives His Majesty’s Opposition some time to ask the Minister, whom I respect very much, some important questions about higher education funding. First, can the Minister shed any light on how the Government intend to support the 24 institutions that the Office for Students claimed are at risk of insolvency in the 12 months from May 2026? Secondly, can she confirm whether the Government intend to make any changes to plan 2 student loans? Thirdly, can the Minister tell the Chamber whether she has had any meetings with institutions that might be facing significant financial uncertainty during the remainder of this academic year? Lastly, will the Government rule out pushing up student tuition fees again before the end of this Parliament? His Majesty’s Opposition, the higher education sector and, most importantly, students right across the country need answers to those important questions. Universities need them to begin to develop long-term financial plans, and students need to have certainty about their finances and about the stability of the institution they are studying at and the course they are taking. Regrettably, I hold little hope that the Government have answers to those questions, given the lack of focus that the new Education Secretary seems to have shown to higher education since coming into office. That is in stark contrast to the official Opposition: we have outlined detailed and fully costed plans to lower interest on plan 2 student loans and set out reforms to the university sector to ensure that the Government stop funding dead-end university courses. That is all part of our new deal for young people. I reiterate His Majesty’s Opposition’s firm belief in the strength and value of the UK’s higher education sector; it is indeed a huge strategic asset. However, we must be honest and recognise that it will face huge challenges over the next decade. The digital revolution means that universities need to rethink how they prepare students for the world of work, and they must be open to accepting that they must adapt to stay solvent in the new economic reality. The Government should be there to guide the sector through these turbulent headwinds, but we have seen little indication that they are. The new Education Secretary urgently needs to shed some light on what steps they will take to address some deeply concerning reports about the financial health of our institutions. The Budget is a little over an hour away; I hope that the Chancellor will set out steps to solve these problems, but I hold out little hope.

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  2. ParliamentPaul Holmes

    National Scheme of Delegation of Planning Functions

    I congratulate my right hon. Friend on securing this debate. She mentioned accountability and democracy. As she knows, <span id="202WH" class="column-number" data-column-number="202WH"></span>the Government are currently taking the Representation of the People Bill through Parliament. The Bill rightly tries to encourage increased participation and accountability in our electoral system. Does she share my concern that the role of councillors is undermined by these planning changes, that local people will lose confidence in the democratic checks and balances of local government, and that we therefore may see turnout and participation go down?

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  3. ParliamentPaul Holmes

    National Scheme of Delegation of Planning Functions

    It is a pleasure to serve under your chairmanship, Ms Lewell. I congratulate my right hon. Friend the Member for Aldridge-Brownhills (Wendy Morton) on securing this debate, and I welcome the Minister to her position. I have serious concerns about this policy and agenda, and specifically about the future ability of residents to have a meaningful say in the development of their own communities. Now that I am no longer the shadow Housing Minister, I am happy that I can speak about these things in a much freer way than I possibly could at the Dispatch Box, although I know that my hon. Friend the Member for Broxbourne (Lewis Cocking) will be absolutely excellent in his winding up. Like the hon. Member for Didcot and Wantage (Olly Glover)—he is my hon. Friend, actually—I have very fond memories of the Planning and Infrastructure Bill Committee. I often found myself going home in the evening and thinking, “How could I have agreed so much with the Liberal Democrats?”, but I looked myself in the mirror, had a wash and got over it the next morning.<span id="207WH" class="column-number" data-column-number="207WH"></span> Planning decisions shape our towns and villages for generations to come. They determine where new homes are built, how much pressure is placed on roads, schools and healthcare services, and whether the character of our neighbourhoods is preserved. These decisions have real consequences for the people who live with them every day. It is therefore essential that local residents have a meaningful opportunity to influence them. I say to the Minister that my big concern, which we warned about on the Bill Committee, is that the Government seem ardent on taking those decisions and that influence away from local people. The Government’s proposed approach risks weakening the democratic safeguards that allow communities to have their voices heard. This policy represents a significant shift in the balance between professional planning officers and elected local representatives. One of the most concerning aspects of these reforms is the removal of existing arrangements that allow ward councillors to request committee consideration or that enable an application to be referred automatically when a specified number of objections has been received. Under the new scheme, the volume of objections cannot in itself justify referral to committee. Instead, applications must meet the national criteria, and the nominated officer and nominated councillor must agree that they should be referred. Let us consider what that means for residents who have legitimate concerns about a development in their neighbourhood. They may organise a petition, write detailed objections and encourage their neighbours to participate in the consultation process, yet the strength of their opposition will not in itself guarantee that elected councillors will debate the application in public. Residents retain the right to submit representations, but their ability to secure community scrutiny is restricted. That raises a question: what is the point of encouraging people to participate in local planning consultations if the system provides fewer opportunities for their elected representatives to consider their concerns publicly? If we allow this proposal to go ahead on Saturday, as I suspect it will, many people will ask why they should bother voting for their parish, borough or county councillor. Planning decisions are one of the most public-facing decisions that a councillor makes. Councillors live in their communities. If a housing development is being built round the corner, or if a pub is being closed so that it can be converted into something else, they know what should be referred to their planning committee. That local knowledge is being taken away, so that a faceless officer can make that decision instead. That is not accountable.

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  4. ParliamentPaul Holmes

    National Scheme of Delegation of Planning Functions

    I absolutely agree. Councils are going through a process to develop a local plan. Alongside officers, they will know which applications should be capable of being called in if a local plan is ratified. If <span id="208WH" class="column-number" data-column-number="208WH"></span>there is no local plan and there are small speculative developments happening across a whole constituency, that soon adds up. If the hon. Lady’s councillors are unable to play a massive part in shaping those developments and crafting those developments, it prompts the question: “What do they serve for?” That will be the question resounding across local government this afternoon. A national framework cannot be expected to capture every local nuance. Although the Government argue that the scheme will create greater consistency and allow committees to focus on significant applications, there is a risk that standardisation will come at the expense of local discretion. The desire for consistency should not prevent councils from responding to the particular needs and concerns of their residents. Minor delegations do not mean that planning decisions are any less important. Let me give the Minister an example from my constituency. The Pear Tree inn in Boorley Green is owned by a brewery that wanted to sell off a huge amount of the local play area and car park so that six houses could be built. Local councillors were dead against it. It is the only local pub in the area and is a very valued asset to the local community. Under this scheme, that proposal could not be referred by a ward councillor and could not be debated by ward councillors who represent the community. As the Member of Parliament, I could make a written representation but would not be able to go to a planning committee led by councillors to make that decision. That is fundamentally wrong. Under the current legislation, a parish councillor can submit the pub for consideration as an asset of community value. If an officer had been making that decision without a referral by a ward member, they would not have come to the same decision. Eastleigh borough council’s excellent decision to refuse planning permission was made by its ward councillors, who are elected by the people who live there. I am not against building new homes and nor am I arguing against the expertise of planning officers; I am arguing for development to take place alongside transparency, public participation and democratic accountability. If the Government want communities to support development, they must recognise that people are more likely to have confidence in decisions when they feel their voices have genuinely been heard. Finally, the Government have spoken hugely, including in today’s Budget, about devolution and empowering local people. The Minister will hear no argument against that from me—I hope her Department brings the mayoral elections for Hampshire forward to 2027. However, she cannot have it both ways; she cannot devolve to local people, while taking away some of the most retail decisions that councils and locally elected people make on behalf of those people—giving with one hand while taking with the other. That is a topsy-turvy world that will cause the Government huge issues, prompting resentment from local people about the public participation processes they are expected to undertake, particularly with mayoral elections. I appreciate that this is not all in the Minister’s brief, but I seriously ask her to report to the Department the strength of feeling that the Government are creating among locally elected councillors. They are not happy, and nor are we or, more importantly, the people we serve.

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  5. ParliamentPaul Holmes

    National Scheme of Delegation of Planning Functions

    The hon. Member will know, as the hon. Member for Didcot and Wantage (Olly Glover) said, that a cross-party delegation of Liberal Democrats, Conservatives and Greens on the Planning and Infrastructure Bill Committee came up with sensible amendments to try to make sure there was a balance between efficiency in the planning system and the criteria under which officers could make more decisions, and still involving local councillors. Can the hon. Member elaborate on where the balance should be between councillors and planning officers?

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  6. ParliamentPaul Holmes

    National Scheme of Delegation of Planning Functions

    My hon. Friend makes a good point. Another concern of mine is that, when looking at infrastructure such as healthcare facilities or larger-scale road networks, local councillors and MPs quite often work together to secure the funding from central Government and maybe a county council. Does he share my concern that in some of the larger schemes that will be decided by planning officers, the ability to get that multi-layered approach to funding will not be there, because there will not be the political will to do it?

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  7. ParliamentPaul Holmes

    National Scheme of Delegation of Planning Functions

    I thank the Minister for giving way and I will not intervene on her any further. She talks about giving people certainty, but this Government could have created certainty by standardising the planning system in favour of councillors making the decisions that they were sent to local councils to make. Does she agree that the reason the Government have not done that is because they have made a political decision to take that power away?

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  8. ParliamentMs Nusrat Ghani

    Financial Statement and Budget Report

    Before I call the Chancellor of the Exchequer, I remind hon. Members that copies of the Budget resolutions will be available to them from the Vote Office in Members’ Lobby at the end of the Chancellor’s statement and, of course, online. I also remind hon. Members that interventions are not taken during the Chancellor’s statement nor during the replies of the Leader of the Opposition or the leader of the Liberal Democrats. I call the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

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  9. ParliamentMs Nusrat Ghani

    Financial Statement and Budget Report

    Order. Colleagues who are chuntering will need a lot of stamina as we have many hours to go. Let us keep the Chamber calm.

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  10. ParliamentMs Nusrat Ghani

    Financial Statement and Budget Report

    Order. Mr Bowie, you are sitting far too close to me to be that noisy.

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  11. ParliamentMs Nusrat Ghani

    Financial Statement and Budget Report

    Order. We have a long way to go. Dr Luke Evans, you will have to write yourself a prescription to calm down.

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  12. ParliamentMs Nusrat Ghani

    Financial Statement and Budget Report

    Order. Mr Cartlidge, I think you have spoken more words than the Chancellor during this statement—[Hon. Members: “More!”] Ms Atkins, do not lead that with a “More”. I call the Chancellor.

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  13. ParliamentMs Nusrat Ghani

    Financial Statement and Budget Report

    Order. I am sorry to interrupt the Chancellor again, but Mr Holmes, just like last year, your voice is carrying far too heavily across the Chamber, and the hon. Member for Bridlington and The Wolds (Charlie Dewhirst) promised me and his young daughter this morning, on the way to work, that he would behave—he has let himself down and his daughter down. <em>[</em><em>Interruption.</em><em>]</em> Order. I call the Chancellor.

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  14. ParliamentMs Nusrat Ghani

    Financial Statement and Budget Report

    We now come to the motion entitled “Income Tax (Charge)”. It is on this motion that the debate will take place today and on succeeding days. The questions on this motion and on the remaining motions will be put at the end of the Budget debate on Tuesday 3 November. I call the Chancellor to move the motion formally.

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  15. ParliamentMs Nusrat Ghani

    Budget Resolutions and Economic Situation

    Order. I apologise for interrupting the Leader of the official Opposition, but if Members are leaving the Chamber, they should leave very quietly and very quickly.

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  16. ParliamentMs Nusrat Ghani

    Budget Resolutions and Economic Situation

    Order. Ms Dawn Butler, Adam Jogee, and Mr Vince—what would your baby son say? Behave better than your child.

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  17. ParliamentMs Nusrat Ghani

    Budget Resolutions and Economic Situation

    Order. I am not sure which side is the most noisy. The Defence Secretary will have to have a lie down in a dark room if he carries on like that.

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  18. ParliamentMs Nusrat Ghani

    Budget Resolutions and Economic Situation

    Order. We have to showcase the best of ourselves. Our constituents are watching. <em>[</em><em>Interruption.</em><em>]</em> I really do not need any help. Ms Emily Darlington, you are normally so polite and so well behaved, but today is not a great day.

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  19. ParliamentMs Nusrat Ghani

    Budget Resolutions and Economic Situation

    Order. Mr Gemmell, yowling for so long will be very bad for your throat, so simmer down.

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  20. ParliamentMs Nusrat Ghani

    Budget Resolutions and Economic Situation

    I am surprised that the hon. Member failed to get the Chancellor to use the word “Harlow” multiple times during the Budget statement.

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  21. ParliamentMs Nusrat Ghani

    Budget Resolutions and Economic Situation

    Order. As I said earlier in my introductory remarks, Sir Bernard, we do not intervene on Front-Bench speeches. The odd thing is that we went through this scenario this time last year. <em>[</em><em>Interruption.</em><em>]</em> We did, we did—yet here we are again.

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  22. ParliamentMs Nusrat Ghani

    Budget Resolutions and Economic Situation

    Order. Mr Gareth Snell, moving three rows back does not mean I cannot see you or hear you. Let us try to simmer down.

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  23. ParliamentMs Nusrat Ghani

    Budget Resolutions and Economic Situation

    I call the Chair of the Business, Innovation, Science and Trade Committee, after which there will be a speaking limit of eight minutes.

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  24. ParliamentMrs Kemi Badenoch

    Engagements

    May I also give my thanks to the Clerk of the House and convey to him, on behalf of those on my side of the House, our very, very best wishes for the future? There has been a bit of confusion this week, and I hope that the Prime Minister can clear it up. Does he or does he not want a referendum on rejoining the European Union?

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  25. ParliamentMrs Kemi Badenoch

    Engagements

    It sounds as if the Prime Minister does not know whether he wants another EU referendum. I certainly do not. It is the Chancellor’s big week, and the Prime Minister popped up on telly and opened his mouth without engaging his brain, not for the first time. Can he explain why he decided, during Budget week, to reopen a debate on freedom of movement?

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  26. ParliamentMrs Kemi Badenoch

    Engagements

    The Prime Minister keeps talking about our deal, but he is using our deal. He is using our Brexit freedoms to take VAT off energy bills. He used those Brexit freedoms just yesterday to scrap import taxes on hundreds of goods. What he should be saying is thank you. I asked the Prime Minister about freedom of movement. I do not think he has been talking to his Cabinet colleagues, because I will tell him who does not want a debate about freedom of movement: the Home Secretary—she has been very clear on that. The Business Secretary does not want it either. The Culture Secretary and I do not agree on much, but even she does not want the Prime Minister to restart this debate. What about his Back Benchers? Let’s have a show of hands—who wants free movement? I know the Prime Minister does not want to look behind him, but nobody raised their hand. There was someone else who did not want to reopen free movement: an ambitious candidate fighting a by-election earlier this year. He said “the last thing we should do right now is rerun those arguments.” Does the Prime Minister still agree with himself?

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  27. ParliamentMrs Kemi Badenoch

    Engagements

    It sounds like the Prime Minister does not know if he agrees with himself or not. He wants to remind me about my words. I stand by my words. Where we make mistakes, we own up to them. Labour pretends that it never does anything wrong. <em>[</em><em>Interruption.</em><em>]</em> Yes, yes, yes. Indeed, that is the difference between him and me. He wants to remind me about what I said; I think it is worth reminding him what he said just this May about the Brexit referendum: “It’s going to undermine everything I’ve said about strengthening democracy if we don’t respect that vote.” But he does not respect that vote, does he?

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  28. ParliamentMrs Kemi Badenoch

    Engagements

    I have said many times that, yes, it was, and the Prime Minister is using those freedoms today. He is using those very freedoms, but he does not want to admit that. He is the Prime Minister, not me. He wants to ask me questions. I am very happy to swap places with him, if that is what he wants. I am not talking about something that he might have said 10 years ago, although I can read out those quotes if he wants. I am talking about something that he said just a few months ago. The Prime Minister was not here for the 2017 Parliament, but many of us were. We do not want to go through that again. The country was paralysed—it was miserable, regardless of which side of the debate you were on. <em>[Interruption.] </em>It was, because Labour Members would not respect the result, and they are doing it again. Does the Prime Minister really think the country wants to reopen that debate?

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  29. ParliamentMrs Kemi Badenoch

    Engagements

    I cannot believe that the Prime Minister actually said at that Dispatch Box that he wants to reopen the Brexit debate. He is in a different place from where he was in Question 1. Let me tell the Prime Minister: the country does not want to rerun this debate; neither, as it happens, do his Back Benchers. This country voted to leave the EU, and we should respect that decision. The Conservative party always has done. Our economy is facing serious challenges. The Prime Minister needs to get borrowing down, because of their stupid decisions. <em>[</em><em>Interruption.</em><em>]</em> One of them asks, <span id="294" class="column-number" data-column-number="294"></span>“Why?” It is because of their stupid decisions. They need to get borrowing down. He needs to get welfare down. He needs to get people’s taxes down. All of this can be done without reopening a debate on the EU, so instead of leaving it to his team again, I will give him one last chance to clear up the mess he has made: will he rule out, after his extraordinary comments, any referendum on the EU or the single market?

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  30. ParliamentMrs Kemi Badenoch

    Budget Resolutions and Economic Situation

    Thank you, Madam Deputy Speaker. I would have thanked the Chancellor for advance sight of his statement, but it was so redacted it was like reading it in the dark. The only numbers were the page numbers, quite frankly. This is Labour’s third Budget in office—<em>[Interruption.]</em>

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  31. ParliamentMrs Kemi Badenoch

    Budget Resolutions and Economic Situation

    This is Labour’s third Budget in office, this time with a new Chancellor. I welcome the right hon. Gentleman to his place. I believe there is a term in rugby called a hospital pass, which sums up the inheritance he received from his predecessor, the right hon. Member for Leeds West and Pudsey (Rachel Reeves). Last year, she gave us the Budget for “Benefits Street”; I said that it would be her last Budget, and I was right. The Chancellor may want to blame external events, but Labour’s last two Budgets weakened our economy before any wars. He has got a big job to do cleaning up her mess, and this Budget fails to do it. The Chancellor is giving this Budget at a time of great economic danger. We are spending more on debt interest than on the Army and schools combined. The rate of interest we pay on our debts is higher than that in Greece, Latvia, Slovakia and even the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. Next year, under Labour, the tax burden will be the highest in our country’s history, and our benefits bill is going up by tens of billions of pounds because this Government have put welfare first. We are overspent, overborrowed, overtaxed and drowning in an out-of-control welfare system, and this is the Chancellor’s answer? It is simply not enough—not good enough, not strong enough, and not bold enough. Last week, the Government published their resilience plan. I am afraid that three days of baked beans and a wind-up radio are not going to save us. Labour’s Britain has no resilience. There is no household resilience, because families are struggling to make ends meet. There is no fiscal resilience, because we are borrowing just to pay the interest on our debt. There is no economic resilience, because businesses have been taxed so much that they are closing down and shedding jobs, and there is no national resilience, because we are not ready to meet the security threats of today—certainly not after that speech. We all know why the Chancellor has delayed until tomorrow difficult decisions that he should have <span id="316" class="column-number" data-column-number="316"></span>taken today. It is because the Prime Minister wants to keep the option of an early general election open, putting his party’s interests before the country’s. There are, however, some things in this Budget that I welcome. Some of the Chancellor’s colleagues—the Deputy Prime Minister, the Defence Secretary and the Energy Secretary—were calling on him to increase capital gains tax. I thank him for ignoring them—they were wrong. Tens of thousands of wealth creators have already fled Labour’s Britain, and if he had listened to his colleagues’ bonkers ideas, many more would be heading for the departure lounge. I am also glad that he has broken Labour’s manifesto pledge on the minimum wage for young people; that pledge was wrong, and breaking it is the right thing to do to help young people get jobs. I welcome the Chancellor’s U-turn on ISAs. He is reversing his predecessor’s raid on ISAs—thank you—but his new tax on savers will penalise the prudent and all those people who have done the right thing. I am glad that he has agreed with our campaign on the previous Chancellor’s fuel duty rise. Motorists will be pleased—that rise would have inflicted real pain, especially while petrol prices are so high—but those prices will go up in July. Why? We froze fuel duty for 14 years; Labour can do better than that. I know that Labour MPs probably did not like those bits of the Budget, but can I take a moment to say to the right hon. Gentleman that I have been appalled to see the brutal briefing about him from his own side in this week’s papers? One Labour MP called him “slow”. “A dud.” “Visibly out of his depth”, said another. <em>[</em><em>Interruption.</em><em>]</em> We have all read it. They are not my words—they are Labour MPs’ words. One of them said it, and another came in after, but I can assure the Chancellor that he will not be hearing that kind of language from Conservative MPs today. With friends like that, who needs enemies? Most people in the country listening to the right hon. Gentleman’s Budget will be thinking to themselves, “Is that it? Really, is that it?” The Prime Minister came in promising to reverse “40 years of neoliberalism”; instead, we got 4p off gherkins. Unfortunately, just like every other Labour Budget, the headline story is the same: more borrowing, more tax rises and—surprise, surprise—more money on benefits. This Budget does not come close to meeting the moment. Last week, Labour MPs were asking for a Budget that did no harm. That shows how little ambition they have for this country. Let me tell them: the harm has already been done. Not facing up to the tough decisions we need to take is itself an act of immense harm. Many Labour MPs do not understand that our national debt is now more than £100,000 for every household in this country. They do not understand why it is a problem that a quarter of all working-age adults are now claiming some form of benefits. They do not understand that if Russia launches an attack on NATO in the next three years, as the Government’s own intelligence suggests, we will be at war without the means to properly defend ourselves. <em>[</em><em>Interruption.</em><em>]</em>

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  32. ParliamentMrs Kemi Badenoch

    Budget Resolutions and Economic Situation

    Look at them, Madam Deputy Speaker. If war comes, do we want this lot running the country—people so unserious that they do not understand that you cannot have social security without national security? If we cannot defend our country, there will be nothing left to defend. To be honest, I do not blame the Housing Secretary for stocking up on sauvignon blanc. If Russia attacks with these guys in charge, we will all need a drink.

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  33. ParliamentMrs Kemi Badenoch

    Budget Resolutions and Economic Situation

    The Defence Secretary is chuntering; he could not even commit to 3% on TV the other day. He is still not doing his job. The fact is that there are huge problems coming down the road, and this Budget is simply trying to get through today. It is a Budget for getting by, not for getting on. I was cautiously optimistic when the right hon. Gentleman was appointed Chancellor. This is a man who once seemed to grasp the danger that Britain is now in. I thought that he was putting country before party when he quit as Defence Secretary—he will remember that I said he was a man of principle. Let me remind him what he wrote in that resignation letter in June. He said: “I am certain that a…date for 3% of GDP on defence in 2030 is what Britain must set.” <em>[</em><em>Interruption.</em><em>]</em> I have not finished—Labour MPs will have to wait for the punchline. They are so slow. He went on to say that if that did not happen, he would be “forced to make decisions that would…increase the risk to personnel on operations, and could make the country less safe.” Today is the day he should have set that date. He is the man who has failed to set a plan for 3%. <em>[</em><em>Interruption.</em><em>]</em> Today is the day that we should have got the plan.

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  34. ParliamentMrs Kemi Badenoch

    Budget Resolutions and Economic Situation

    The Chancellor should have set out a plan for 3% today. Now he is the man who is increasing risk to personnel on operations. He is the man who is making our country less safe. He has failed his own test. This is on him, and no one will ever forget. If he had any decency, he would resign again today. Yes, the Chancellor has funded the defence investment plan, and that is welcome, and yes, there is more support for Ukraine, and that is welcome, but he said himself in June that that was not enough. He has given himself a bit of breathing space until next year. Instead what we have is a plan to have a plan. I bet Putin is really scared now. We know that finding the money is difficult, but it can be done. On the Opposition Benches, we have found the savings to get to 3%, because we know Britain is facing very serious threats. The defence funding that the Government have announced today relies on more borrowing. Let me explain why that will only make us weaker. The OBR confirmed today that Britain’s national debt is forecast to increase again. We are borrowing just to pay the interest on that debt. The credit card has been maxed out and the Chancellor is taking out new <span id="318" class="column-number" data-column-number="318"></span>credit cards just to pay the interest on the old ones. The three Labour Budgets will have added more than £260 billion to the national debt. Our great grandchildren will be paying for Labour’s total lack of self-restraint. Meanwhile, the Prime Minister is fantasising about rejoining the EU. There is just one problem: under Labour, Britain is now borrowing so much that we would not even qualify for EU entry. The Chancellor clings to the IMF’s praise of the Government’s deficit reduction plans, but the truth is that the IMF has to take at face value the idea that Labour will cut public spending massively just before the next election. Really? Are these MPs signed up to the cuts in those plans? These are the same MPs who voted down the most modest welfare reforms in the history of this House. They are never going to cut spending. That is why this month, the IFS described the Government’s plans as “a work of fiction”. I can tell the House who else is not fooled by Labour’s fantasy figures: the bond markets. Britain is now paying more to borrow than at any point in the past 30 years. Those borrowing costs are hurting people today. Businesses are struggling to afford loans because of rising interest rates. Five-year mortgage rates are now above 6%. Rates are far higher now than they ever were under us. We have the utter cheek of the Chancellor and Labour MPs raising the mini-Budget when Government borrowing rates are far higher now. They are higher than under any Conservative Prime Minister. These are their interest rates; these are their borrowing costs; and this is their mess—they need to own it. The Chancellor knows that next week interest rates are expected to rise again. Only the Labour party would think that the answer is to spend more money. <em>[</em><em>Interruption.</em><em>]</em> I know the Education Secretary cannot count, so she thinks this is all fantastic. Come on, have you got something more to add? Can you add?

    Hansard source
  35. ParliamentMrs Kemi Badenoch

    Budget Resolutions and Economic Situation

    They love to dish it out, Madam Deputy Speaker, but they cannot take it. <em>[</em><em>Interruption.</em><em>]</em> What was that from the Education Secretary? I am sorry, but I cannot hear her, because the rest of the class are making too much noise. Inflation is eating away at our standard of living. Labour’s friends in the Joseph Rowntree Foundation have said that this could be the worst Parliament on record for living standards, but Labour has looked after its people. There have been plenty of pay rises for the unions. Benefits will go up. <em>[</em><em>Interruption.</em><em>]</em> It is true, there have been plenty of pay rises for Labour’s friends in the unions. Benefits will go up by inflation in April, but private sector wages this year are below inflation. People in the private sector are getting poorer. They can all feel it. Those on benefits are getting an increase, while those going out to work will not. That is not fair. The problem is that Labour is addicted to spending other people’s money and addicted to welfare. The welfare Secretary said it himself. Talking about Labour MPs, he said: “Every meeting I have is: ‘Who can we tax in order to pay benefits to others?’”<span id="319" class="column-number" data-column-number="319"></span> Since the last Budget just 11 months ago, the equivalent of the entire city of York has signed on to disability benefits. And why would they not, when sickness benefits pay more than the minimum wage? Jobs have been destroyed by Labour, and this Government have made it easier than ever to claim. It is honestly like their policies are designed to get people off work and on welfare. Just because it is called universal credit does not mean that everyone in the universe should be on benefits. The issue is not just about cutting the benefits bill. This welfare burden is deeply unfair to those who are working hard and making ends meet—those people making tough decisions about whether they can move home or afford to have children. How do Members think they feel when they hear that working-age welfare is now costing every taxpayer £4,000 a year? Cutting welfare is not just about saving money. A million young people in this country wake up with nothing to do and nowhere to go. Unemployment among 20 to 24-year-olds is now higher in London than in Bulgaria, the second-poorest country in the EU. Labour is creating a lost generation, isolated and powerless over their futures. Britain is about to collapse under the weight of welfare. We have to start showing people some tough love. Deep down, the Chancellor knows that spending more money is not the answer. He talks about giving people breathing space, but the Government are the ones choking the economy. We have seen £70 billion of new taxes in just two years, and they have put them up again today. He said he would not be putting taxes on working people. That is what the last Chancellor said, too, but he has, because the Government are taxing everything that they can get their hands on. They have taxed jobs, pensions and cars. They have taxed the rental market today. They have taxed savings, investments and homes. He asked me whether I support the action that they are taking today. No, I do not support the action that they are taking today. The Chancellor also said that this is a Budget for business that will unleash enterprise. That must be why the entrepreneurship adviser quit this week. There is nothing for business here. He wants to charge them more for the union learning fund, was it? Business does not want these random new schemes. Let me tell him: business confidence is negative not just this quarter, and not just the last quarter, but for seven quarters in a row. That has never happened before. In case Labour MPs do not understand what that means, the last time business confidence was positive was when we were in charge. The Chancellor says that he is helping with the cost of doing business. Businesses need cheaper energy, flexible labour markets and lower taxes. They are getting none of those. Nearly half of businesses say that they have cut employment because of Labour’s jobs tax. There are now fewer vacancies in the economy than at any point in the last 12 years, outside the pandemic. Graduate vacancies are down by almost 50% this year. They were the worst on record last year, and under Labour they are again even worse—the worst on record this year. I was hoping that the Chancellor would do something on plan 2 student loans today, but he has not even done that. When was the last time any of them spoke to a <span id="320" class="column-number" data-column-number="320"></span>graduate looking for a job? Parents are watching their children receive rejection after rejection. Companies report 140 applicants chasing every job. Unemployment has risen by a quarter of a million people since Labour came in: a quarter of a million people, under this lot. So let me tell them some home truths. They have made wages expensive with their jobs tax. They have made energy expensive with their net zero policies. They have made capital expensive by increasing the cost of borrowing. What happens when wages, energy and capital are expensive? Nothing gets built. That is why the economy is grinding to a halt. Labour said that it was going to build 1.5 million new homes. I remember when the Housing Secretary first started, and I told her that she had been stitched up. Do you know what she is saying now, Madam Deputy Speaker? She says that now there is a “slim chance” that Labour will build 1.5 million new homes. They are not going to build them. They are not even going to build as many as we did, despite their lofty ambitions. They promised to secure the future of Britain’s steel industry. Now taxpayers are spending £1.3 million a day propping up British Steel alone. They promised to create 650,000 clean energy jobs. Where are they? Nothing has been created except unemployment. Let me tell you, Madam Deputy Speaker, what has actually happened since last year’s Budget for “Benefits Street”. Inflation—[Hon. Members: “Up!”] Government spending—[Hon. Members: “Up!”] They can join in now on the Labour side, because they know the words—we heard them. Debt interest—[Hon. Members: “Up!”] Mortgage rates—[Hon. Members: “Up!”] Benefits claims—[Hon. Members: “Up!”] Unemployment—[Hon. Members: “Up!”] Welfare spending—[Hon. Members: “Up!”] The report card is not looking good. They are making the same mistake with banking that they made with oil and gas: tax one of Britain’s flagship industries until it packs up and leaves. The result? The country gets less money in tax. <em>[</em><em>Interruption</em><em>.]</em>

    Hansard source
  36. ParliamentMrs Kemi Badenoch

    Budget Resolutions and Economic Situation

    I see that the Minister for Pensions is leaving. I guess he could not handle the truth. Everything in our economy is being made more expensive by Labour’s taxes. Next year, under Labour, Britain will have the highest tax burden in our country’s history—higher than in the 1970s, higher than in the second world war, higher than in the Napoleonic wars. <em>[</em><em>Interruption</em><em>.] </em>She asks, “Whose fault is that?” It is your fault. She is asleep at the back of the class. The Education Secretary might want to take a look at that student. What have we learned from the Office for Budget Responsibility today? Growth next year: downgraded. Inflation: up every year until 2030. Real household disposable income: lower every year. We have learned that the Chancellor’s debt interest bill will be £14 billion higher than expected, and the debt will be higher in every single year compared to the previous plan. How is this giving us breathing space? There is a better way that would actually deliver for the people of this country. There is a logical order to creating growth in an economy. You have to create <span id="321" class="column-number" data-column-number="321"></span>value, prosperity and wealth first, before you distribute it. That is how it works. Labour is only interested in the distribution; it has no plan to create any value at all. We on the Conservative side of the House want to see Britain richer, more prosperous and thriving—not just a little bit of breathing space. That is why Conservatives are proposing tough love. We will cut spending by £70 billion, including £36 billion from welfare—cuts that are fair to taxpayers, and fair to those who really need support. We would use half of that money to cut the deficit, so that Britain does not go bankrupt and borrowing rates start to come down. That is how we get cheaper mortgages. And we will fund our defence properly, because keeping our country safe should be the first priority of any Government. Getting the public finances under control and living within our means will allow us to cut taxes, because that is what really gives people breathing space. Scrapping the carbon tax to bring down energy bills, scrapping stamp duty, abolishing inheritance tax on family homes—that is what people want. So let us cut spending, cut the deficit, fund defence, and cut people’s taxes. That is the Budget that the Chancellor should have delivered today. That is the Budget that Conservatives would have delivered. And that is going to be the choice at the next election.

    Hansard source
  37. ParliamentMike Wood

    Budget Resolutions and Economic Situation

    The hon. Gentleman will be aware that a key part of the deficit reduction strategy—according to the Red Book—is a reduction of 2% a year in the annual spend on mainstream schools after 2028-29. Will he go into the next general election promising that in his manifesto?

    Hansard source
  38. ParliamentMike Wood

    Budget Resolutions and Economic Situation

    The disappointment of today’s Budget is that, having put on his running shoes for the media earlier this week, the Chancellor spent his statement running away from the big challenges facing the country and ducking each difficult decision. The first big challenge that he ducked was getting a proper grip on the public finances, so that we do not have to leave our children and grandchildren with spiralling national debt. He tells us that everything is under control because the OBR says that his fiscal rules have technically been met, but the public are not fooled by Treasury scorecards, and neither are the markets. Just like his predecessor, the Chancellor promises to bring borrowing down right at the end of the period covered by his fiscal rules, in this case with the hidden promise of 2.6% annual spending cuts, which includes those 2% a year cuts from mainstream schools every year, after the next general election. Those steep cuts will clearly never happen, and the markets know it. In the meantime, he did not say that he was increasing borrowing from 2.9% to 3.4% next year, and from 2.5% to 2.9% the year after—billions in extra borrowing. Like his predecessor, the Chancellor seems to take his inspiration from St Augustine: “Oh Lord, help me to be pure, but not yet.” Every year, the date for that fiscal restraint is pushed back another 12 months and borrowing revised up in the meantime. He speaks of fiscal discipline, but this is fiscal policy on the never-never. Nowhere is the reason for that fiscal timidity clearer than on welfare. All hon. Members know that public spending cannot be controlled and Britain cannot get back to work without proper structural reform to a ballooning welfare bill, but where we needed action, all we got were yet more taskforces, reviews and procrastination. That failure on welfare leads directly to the most sorrowful failure in the Chancellor’s entire Budget: national defence. The Chancellor knows the urgent need for an immediate plan to increase defence spending to 3% of GDP by 2030 better than anyone; it is why he said he resigned as Defence Secretary earlier in the year. He knew the Government were playing Treasury accounting tricks—tucking MI5, pensions, the Chagos Islands bills and even £200 million for doing up Barrow-in-Furness high street under the badge of “defence spending” to pad out a press release—but when we strip out those tricks, our armed forces are facing a real-terms cut in their day-to-day running costs over the next three years. Finally, the Chancellor had the chance today to undo the terrible damage done by his predecessor and inject real, sustainable growth into our economy. Business distress is at a 20 year high. High street names like Poundland are collapsing, and young people have paid the heaviest price of all, with surging numbers of NEETs and a genuine youth jobs crisis. Nowhere feels the triple whammy of high employment costs, punitive business <span id="393" class="column-number" data-column-number="393"></span>rates and relentless regulation more acutely than our hospitality sector. Our pubs, bars and restaurants are the heart and soul of communities like mine in Kingswinford and South Staffordshire—

    Hansard source
  39. ParliamentMike Wood

    Budget Resolutions and Economic Situation

    No, we are coming to the end of the debate. Those pubs, bars and restaurants are the No.1 place where young people get their first foot on the jobs ladder. The Chancellor’s announcement on small business relief will clearly be welcomed by those firms that qualify, but the truth is that it will do little to help most hospitality businesses. Fewer than one in 10 restaurants and licensed premises are set to benefit, with the rest continuing to suffer from Labour’s business rates bill hike. The Chancellor had a simple, practical lever right in front of him today—a meaningful increase in the alcohol duty differential for draught beer and cider pulled across the bar in a well-run local pub or restaurant, compared with cheap bottles and cans stacked high in supermarket aisles. It would have helped our British breweries, helped save community pubs and protected hospitality jobs for young people. Again, the Chancellor knows that: in opposition, he called for cuts in beer duty, but in the Treasury he is hiking the main beer duty rate. He ignores the cross-party pleas for big reductions in draught beer duty, and instead hammers publicans and brewers once again, with another hike in the beer duty he used to say should be cut. The Chancellor needed to step up and take the decision needed to help pubs and hospitality. Instead, just like on debt, on welfare and on defence, he ducked it. Our businesses, our young people and our armed forces cannot afford to wait in a holding pattern until this Government discover their courage.

    Hansard source
  40. ParliamentMartin Vickers

    Engagements

    One of the benefits of Brexit to my constituency has been the establishment of the Humber freeport. Can the Prime Minister give an assurance that any reset with Europe will not prevent freeports from operating as they do at the moment?

    Hansard source